宋僧石溪心月与日僧无象静照交往考

日本禅僧无象静照于南宋淳祐十二年(1252)来华,咸淳元年(1265)归国。在华前四年在浙江杭州径山寺参禅,住持石溪心月对他悉心指导,帮助他实现开悟。静照最终嗣法心月。归国后,静照牢记心月教诲,开创禅寺,宣扬禅法,为禅宗扎根日本不遗余力。     

伪满洲国校园文化背景中的女性新文学及其存在语境

本文通过伪满洲国时期女子校园刊物《萃文季刊》和官方综合性期刊《新满洲》的女学生新文学现象,阐释日本文化殖民对殖民地青年女性渗透和毒害的演进。"五四"新文化运动生发的追求平等、自由和婚姻自主的"新女性"观,在殖民主义奴化教育下异化为国家民族性质的"贤妻良母主义"。"贤妻良母主义"是战时体制下日本军国主义推行的日本"妇德"在伪满洲国的移植。摇篮期的殖民地女性文学在五四新思想的自由理念和殖民地"国民精神"等历史"酵素"的作用下,承载了沉重而复杂的精神向度,使满洲青年女性的精神趋向由"五四"新文化影响的个体本位转向了殖民地"家国"本位的历史变异。考察伪满洲国校园女性文学现象,对于我们认识日本侵华时期对中国占领区实施殖民奴化教育和文化侵略具有重要的现实意义。     

‘A question between empires’: the restriction of Japanese immigration in British Columbia and the reassessment of Japan's foreign policy, 1907–1908

Abstract

Great Britain was the first of the major Powers that revised its unequal treaty with Japan, recognizing the success of Japan's modernization and its growing role in the international arena. However, British Columbia perceived Japanese residents as a threat to ‘the British character’ of this regions' population profile. After the movement against Japanese residents in British Columbia peaked during the anti-Japanese riots in Vancouver in September of 1907, Canadian Minister of Labor Rodolphe Lemieux headed a diplomatic delegation to Tokyo to negotiate the restriction of Japanese immigration to Canada. The dispatch of this mission revealed some of the complexities in relations between the Colonial and Foreign Offices in London on the one hand and the Dominion's and British Columbian governments on the other. Based on previously unused primary sources, this article will examine the interplay between the policy towards Japanese migrants in the British Dominion of Canada and the British policy towards Japan as a nation.     

The Sino–Japanese territorial dispute and threat perception in power transition

A territorial dispute over the Senkaku/Diaoyu islands has gained a high profile in Sino–Japanese relations. Since the 2012 escalation of the territorial dispute, there is no sign of any de-escalation despite economic interdependence, which previously helped ease the tension. Drawing on the constructivist understanding of threat perception and power transition theory, this article analyzes the way in which the deepening of threat perceptions associated with a perceived regional power transition prevents Japan and China from working beyond their subjective conceptions of justice associated with boarders and history. Since 2012, the Sino–Japanese territorial dispute has increasingly fitted into a larger picture of power-political conflict taking place in a power transition in which both Japan and China aim to return to ‘normality’ by propagating their territorial claims, strengthening their military capabilities, and strategic realignment. To that end, this article first introduces a theoretical framework on the centrality of threat perceptions in power transition. Second, it traces the ways in which Japan and China have developed a threat perception of each other since 1972. The third section deals with the escalation of the Sino–Japanese territorial dispute since 2010 and highlights the deepening of mutual suspicion and threat perception exemplified at the bilateral and multilateral levels. I conclude that the Sino–Japanese territorial debate entered a new stage of normative and power-political competition in earning international support for territorial claims in the East China Sea.     

终身雇用制历史考察

终身雇用制是一个内涵丰富的概念。它的最初形态为江户时代的奉公人制度 ;在明治维新后近代资本主义工矿业企业得到初期发展的基础上 ,经过甲午战争、日俄战争 ,于第一次世界大战以后 ,开始进入制度化阶段 ;在战前军国主义统制经济体制下初步确立 ;在战后民主化改革和经济恢复的基础上得到继承和发展 ;在 6 0年代日本经济进入高速成长阶段以后发展成熟并最终确立 ,成为战后日本经济成功的重要原因之一。终身雇用制出现伊始 ,就是后进社会日本对封建传统妥协的产物 ,其中蕴涵着它自身的矛盾性。     

日美防卫技术合作演变的逻辑

防卫技术合作是日美同盟关系深化的重要体现，也是安全合作以及同盟管控的组成部分。日美防卫技术合作的进展受防卫技术合作的制度化水平和日本在同盟关系中自主化水平双重因素的影响。20世纪80年代以前，受日本武器出口规范和技术能力的限制，日美之间的防卫技术合作以美国单方面援助日本为主。其后，日本在技术上取得较大突破，开始在对美技术合作与自主技术研发之间寻求平衡，但技术合作制度化水平较低，影响了两国的合作。进入21世纪第二个10年之后，日本在解禁“武器出口三原则”的同时，进一步加强技术研发能力、深化与美国的防卫技术合作，并寻求技术合作的多元化。通过日美战斗机研发合作的案例可以发现，看似日本对美国渐趋自主，但仍然难以摆脱对美防卫技术依存的困境。日美之间防卫技术合作的深度以及日本防卫合作对象多元化的广度将是影响日本未来防卫产业发展的重要因素。