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31.
采用复合扩增、PAG电泳分离和银染检测技术,对广西壮、汉族人群的F13A01、FESFPS、vWA等3个STR基因座进行遗传多态性研究.3个基因座的基因型在广西壮、汉族人群的频率分布均符合Hardy-wein-berg平衡.3个STR基因座在广西壮族人群的个体识别力(DP)分别为0.8205、0.8566和0.9239;在广西汉族人群的个体识别力(DP)分别为0.8256、0.8455、0.9191. 相似文献
32.
Deborah E. Altus 《Contemporary Justice Review》2013,16(3):267-286
This paper addresses B. F. Skinner's utopian vision for enhancing social justice and human well‐being as it was introduced in his 1948 novel, Walden Two. In the first part, we address the historical, intellectual, and social context that situates the book in the utopian genre, the critiques of its premises and practices, and the fate of intentional communities patterned on the book. In the second part, we review practices in Skinner's book that advance social justice and human well‐being under the themes of health, wealth, and wisdom, and then focus on contemporary practices that are the legacy of his vision. His vision was neither the a priori truth of a particular premise about human behavior or a necessary practice (blueprint) for an intentional community but rather the use of empirical methods to discover premises and practices that work to advance the health, wealth, and wisdom of individuals and survival of the culture. 相似文献
33.
Larbi Sadiki 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2020,55(2):17-33
ABSTRACT At the core of “disembedded regionalism” in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) is an incapacity to foster more representative forms of politics that are responsive to citizens. Instead, elite-to-elite relations are a salient feature that characterises Gulf politics. A radical re-reading of Jürgen Habermas and John Rawls, applied to the GCC in the first two decades of the 21st century, confirms that top-down management of politics is conducive to conflict and disintegration as against integration, marginalising the agenda of multi-level governance within the subregion. Set against the backdrop of the current blockade/crisis, this critical rendition throws into sharp relief the non-democratic brand of GCC regionalism. 相似文献
34.
《The Modern law review》2002,65(2):304-316
Books reviewed:
Hodges, Multi-Party Actions
Katz et al., Cross Currents: Family Law and Policy in the US and England
Paulus, Die internationale Gemeinschaft in Völkerrecht
Norrie, Punishment, Responsibility, and Justice: A Relational Critique
Bell, Peace Agreements and Human Rights
Powell, Sir James Whitelock's Liber Famerlicus 1570–1632: Law and Politics in Early Stuart England
Clam, Droit et société chez Niklas Luhmann. La contingence des normes 相似文献
Hodges, Multi-Party Actions
Katz et al., Cross Currents: Family Law and Policy in the US and England
Paulus, Die internationale Gemeinschaft in Völkerrecht
Norrie, Punishment, Responsibility, and Justice: A Relational Critique
Bell, Peace Agreements and Human Rights
Powell, Sir James Whitelock's Liber Famerlicus 1570–1632: Law and Politics in Early Stuart England
Clam, Droit et société chez Niklas Luhmann. La contingence des normes 相似文献
35.
36.
Andrew Williams 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2002,13(3):81-102
This article looks at a neglected episode during the work of the Reparations Commission of 1920-25 leading up to the Dawes Plan of 1924, when the British delegate to the Commission, Sir John Bradbury, drew up a plan to reschedule German reparation payments in an attempt to take the venom out of the debate over these payments. It takes as its documentary basis the previously unpublished papers of Sir John in his role as Britain's representative on the Reparations Commission from 1920 to 1925. The article concludes that Bradbury's plan had the potential to defuse at least some of the problems encountered in the political and economic results of the reparations policy and that it made a significant contribution to the thinking that emerged in the Dawes Plan. 相似文献
37.
Charles Kwarteng 《圆桌》2018,107(1):57-66
Ghana’s political landscape changed dramatically in 2017, with the election of Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo Addo as president. Ghana’s political transition in 2017 raises new insights into presidential recruitment and politics in Ghana. The purpose of this article is to examine the 2016 elections within the spectrum of the politics of Ghana’s presidential recruitment. This article discusses the hurdles that were surmounted by the opposition New Patriotic Party party, in unseating the incumbent National Democratic Congress (NDC) party. The author coins the term ‘the John Syndrome’ to highlight the mythology held by some commentators that Akufo Addo could not be elected president, because his name is not ‘John’. Discussions about intra-party squabbles that resulted in the loss of NDC’s incumbency are provided. The article concludes that Akufo Addo’s presidency symbolises a de-mythologisation of ‘the John Syndrome’. The perception that Akufo Addo saved the nation in 2012 was his major weapon in piercing John Mahama’s incumbency. The demise of the NDC is likely to create an intra-party shift in favour of the party’s founder. 相似文献
38.
39.
G. R. STEELE 《The Political quarterly》2011,82(2):222-230
That progressive taxation might offset a disproportionate burden of indirect taxes upon low income households sits at the heart of a suggestion from Friedrich Hayek. This concerns the manner in which a degree of progression might be accommodated and constrained to preclude arbitrary tax hikes upon minority income groups. While Hayek's proposal is permissive of socialist aims, it looks for efficiency in resource usage as reflected in the aspiration ‘that each should feel that in the aggregate all the collective goods which are applied to him are worth at least as much as the contribution he is required to make’. 相似文献
40.
冷战时期,以费正清为代表的美国学术界以台湾作为研究中国的基地,而费正清也积极地介入两岸关系与台湾事务。费正清的"大陆—台湾"论述可以分为三个时期:早期的"亲共",中期的"反共",与后期的"两岸共治"。费正清多变的面孔反映了美国不同时期基于美国国家利益而做出的对中国两岸政策的调整,而台湾对费正清体系的反应则体现了冷战时期西方同盟内部中心与边缘地区的矛盾,以及两种不同政治体制、不同文化之间的冲突。 相似文献