延安时期党内民主建设的理论探索及启示意义

党内民主是党的生命。延安时期是中国共产党党内民主发展的最好时期之一,总起来讲可分为三个阶段：党的六届六中全会推进了党内民主的制度化建设,延安整风开创了党内民主建设的新模式,党的七大对党内民主建设作出了重大理论贡献。延安时期党内民主建设的理论探索与实践。为新时期党内民主建设提供了丰富的经验教训。     

新形势下党代会代表提案制研究——党的十八大报告“实行党代会代表提案制”解读

党的十八大提出了“实行党代会代表提案制”,并把实行党代会代表提案制作为党的建设改革创新的重要举措之一。党代会代表的是广大党员的意志,因此实施党代会代表提案制意义深远。党代表提案制的实施,使党代表在任何时候都可以对人民群众关心的热点和难点问题向代表提案委员会提出,这就成为新时期整合人民群众利益诉求的一种新机制。     

Aesthetics and politics in North Korean socialist realist painting: On approved ways of seeing

This paper inquires into aesthetics and politics in North Korean socialist realist painting by way of an examination of North Korean journalist Han Chol Ju's article series “Visit to Korean Art Gallery” and three paintings in Korea Today (2010–2011). The paper explains late North Korean leader Kim Jong Il's national-Stalinist conception of Juche socialist realism in On Fine Art (1991); considers one Korean painting (Chos?nhwa), two oil paintings (yuhwa), and one jewel painting (pos?khwa); and addresses approved ways of seeing in political-aesthetic experience and response in the North Korean situation.     

The logic of multiculturalism and Korean democracy

In this article, I attempt to construct a normative framework of Korean multiculturalism in the Confucian public-societal context of Korean democracy by focusing on the political implications of the claim to cultural rights (so-called ‘logic’ of multiculturalism) and cultural pluralism that it is likely to entail for Korean democracy. After examining the logic of multiculturalism that often puts multiculturalism in tension with liberal democracy, I turn to Will Kymlicka's account of immigrant multiculturalism that resolves the potential tension between multiculturalism and liberal democracy in a liberal way. Then, I construct a normative framework of Korean multiculturalism in a way that a decent multicultural society can be established on the same public-cultural ground on which Korean democracy has matured in the past two decades.     

Problems of the Turkish Political Parties and Turgut Ozal＇s Motherland Party （ANAP）

Many political parties have been established in Turkey so far. But a large majority of these parties were dissolved or could not stand long-term. In this respect, the Turkish political history is also the history of short-lived political parties without Republican Populist Party （CHP）. Both in the Ottoman Period and the Republican Period, there were no durable political parties. Whereas, glancing over the United States and European Countries, it is seen long-lived and durable political parties, e.g., Republican Party in U.S., Conservative Party in U.K., etc. Within this context, Turgut Ozal＇s Motherland Party （ANAP） can be considered as one of the most excellent examples of a short-lived party in Turkey. This party was established in 1983 and then, it finished its life in 20 years. It was the reason why this finished. In this view, this study aims to indicate the common problems of the Turkish political parties by analysing ANAP as well as the weakness of institutionalism, extreme leader-oriented party, and the patronage system.     

新时期坚守共产党人精神追求的思考

党的十八大报告明确提出,坚定理想信念,坚守共产党人的精神追求,并从抓好思想理论建设、党性教育、道德建设三个方面提出了明确要求,对于全面提高党的建设科学化水平具有很强的现实指导性。广大党员干部特别是党员领导干部必须自觉加强理论修养,夯实思想基础;加强党性修养,坚定政治信仰;加强道德修养,弘扬优良作风,从而更加坚定理想信念,坚守共产党人的精神追求。     

关于处理好高校民主党派基层组织与中共党委关系的思考

共产党领导、多党派合作、共产党执政、多党派参政的多党合作的政治格局,是我国政党制度的显著特征,也是我国政党关系的基本内涵。这一新型政党关系模式深深植根于中国社会各个组织当中,高校民主党派成员要充分认识这一政党关系,处理好与中共各级组织的关系,为建设和谐校园发挥参政党的作用。然而,目前高校多党合作制度的实践在制度完善和理念创新上存在薄弱环节。本文从政治、价值观、制度等层面分析了高校政党关系,并提出了一些相关参考意见。     

李达统战思想初探

李达同志作为最早在中国传播马克思主义的先驱者和中国共产党的创建者之一,在中国近代政治史上具有重要地位.李达同志虽然有过暂时的脱党期,但其关于阶级联合、国共合作、民族联合、建立国际反帝统一战线的观点始终和党中央保持一致,并根据中央的安排,具体从事了对唐生智、冯玉祥、程潜等的统战工作,因此,李达的统战思想应该被视为中国共产党统一战线成果的一部分.     

Pakistan: Crisis of a Frontline State

For more than 50 years, Pakistan has functioned as imperialism's “frontline state.” The military has remained the country's dominant political player and the basic precepts of bourgeois democracy remain conspicuous by their absence. Since the military coup in October 1999, the configuration of power in Pakistan has become subject to serious internal contradictions, in large part because of the “war on terror” and the loss of public prestige of the military. These contradictions have intensified in the wake of a lawyer-led street movement sparked by the military top brass' dismissal of the country's chief justice in March 2007. Since then the country's most well-known politician, Benazir Bhutto, has been assassinated and her Pakistan People's Party has swept to power in general elections held in February 2008. However, the crisis of the frontline state has not ebbed, and the oligarchic system of power remains subject to rupture.     

Singapore's National Day Rally speech: A site of ideological negotiation

This article analyses the inaugural National Day Rally speeches of three Singapore prime ministers. It locates these speeches in the continuous ideological work that the People's Action Party (PAP) government has to do in order to maintain consensus and forge new alliances among classes and social forces that are being transformed by globalisation. Increasingly, these speeches have had to deal with the contradictions between nation-building and the tensions between the liberal and reactionary tendencies of the global city. It is argued that such a situation has made it futile for the government to attempt a straightforward ideological mobilisation of the people into a relatively homogeneous national community. The PAP government's ideological struggle to forge consensus has been balanced by a strategy of divide-and-rule. Ironically, the rally speeches have been as much about dividing as they have been about uniting.