MAO基因遗传多态性及与精神疾病相关性研究进展

单胺氧化酶(monoamine oxidase,MAO)是调控儿茶酚胺和5-羟色胺等单胺类氧化脱氨的一类重要酶,广泛分布于包括神经系统在内的人体各种组织中,具有多种生物学功能。MAO有两种类型,MAO-A和MAO-B。MAO基因具有遗传多态性,其中部分多态性位点与某些精神疾病如严重抑郁障碍、酒精中毒、反社会情感障碍及精神分裂症等有一定的相关性。MAO基因遗传多态性的研究,可能为法医学个人识别与亲权鉴定提供新的遗传标记,并为司法精神病鉴定提供参考性遗传学指标。     

论古田会议精神在中国革命中的实践与弘扬

古田会议精神的核心内容是党的建设、军队建设、根据地建设纲领的确立和对中国革命成功之路的根本确定。古田会议精神是井冈山精神的延续,这一精神在中国革命战争的各个历史阶段中得到了实践和进一步弘扬,相继形成了苏区精神、长征精神、抗战精神、延安精神和西柏坡精神等精神系列,从而成为中国共产党、人民军队和革命人民夺取中国革命胜利的坚强精神支柱。     

高等学校“概论”课开放式教学方式探索——“听、读、评、写、研”教学模式实践及启示

在“毛泽东思想和中国特色社会主义理论体系概论”课程教学中开展“听、说、读、评、研”教学活动,是深化教学改革,培养创新型人才的可行途径之一。在教学中结合课程内容让学生读一些相关的书目,搞一些同学们有兴趣又能参与其中的活动,使同学们在了解历史但又不脱离现实生活的状态下,既掌握了知识又活跃了课堂气氛,提高了同学们的理论素养以及分析问题和解决问题的能力,从而坚定在中国共产党的领导下走中国特色社会主义道路的理想信念。     

论井冈山革命根据地斗争经验的普遍意义

井冈山革命根据地,是毛泽东率领湘赣边界秋收起义军创建的中国第一块农村革命根据地,井冈山根据地创造性地提出和总结的丰富斗争经验具有普遍指导意义,得到中共中央的充分肯定和积极推广,井冈山革命根据地的星火在中国大地上迅速形成了燎原之势,“工农武装割据”的局面不断巩固扩大,以农村包围城市的武装革命道路胜利实现。     

中央苏区时期共产国际与毛泽东的关系

大革命失败后,共产国际指导中国革命的方针是以城市为中心。城市工人运动屡屡受挫,毛泽东等创建的赣南、闽西根据地及其他根据地蓬勃发展,促使共产国际改变指导中国革命的战略方针,开始以加强红军和根据地建设为中心。毛泽东在中央苏区第一至三次反“围剿”战争中表现的卓越才能得到了共产国际的肯定,被认为是“有声望的领袖”。在毛泽东坚持正确主张而被“左”倾教条主义者指责为“右倾机会主义”时,共产国际进行了干预,要他们以同志式的态度对待毛泽东,同他密切合作。因此,毛泽东在中共六届五中全会上由四中全会时的政治局候补委员当选为政治局委员,在中华苏维埃共和国第二次全国代表大会上继续当选为中央执行委员会主席。尽管这时毛泽东没有实际权力,但他在中央苏区的地位和威望仍然存在。     

改革开放以来国内毛泽东新民主主义文化思想研究述评

改革开放以来,国内学者对毛泽东的新民主主义文化思想进行了深入的研究,既取得了丰硕的理论成果也诞生了一大批很有影响的学者。对这些研究成果做一个系统梳理,可以归纳概括出学者们研究的角度,以及有待深入研究的领域。从横向的角度概括已取得成果的特点;揭示研究学者们研究毛泽东新民主主义思想所经历的阶段,以及每一个阶段的特点;已有成果研究的重点和热点问题,包括毛泽东新民主主义的形成、理论体系、特征、作用和局限性等仍具有一定学术价值。     

RECALLING BITTERNESS: HISTORIOGRAPHY,MEMORY, AND MYTH IN MAOIST CHINA

Abstract

For Mao Zedong and the Chinese Communist Party, the socialist transformation after 1949 was not only a political and administrative construction, but also a process of transforming the consciousness of the people and rewriting history. To fight lukewarm attitudes and “backward thoughts” among the peasants, as well as their resistance to rural socialist transformation and collectivization of production and their private lives, Mao decided that politicizing the memory of the laboring class and reenacting class struggle would play a significant role in ideological indoctrination and perpetuating revolution. Beginning in the 1950s, the Party made use of grassroots historical writing, oral articulation, and exhibition to tease out the experiences and memories of individuals, families, and communities, with the purpose of legitimizing the rule of the CCP. The cultural movement of recalling the past combined grassroots histories, semi-fictional family sagas, and public oral presentations, as well as political rituals such as eating “recalling-bitterness meals” to educate the masses, particularly the young. Eventually, Mao’s emphasis on class struggle became the sole guiding principle of historical writings, which were largely fictionalized, and recalling bitterness and contrasting the past with the present became a solid part of PRC political culture, shaping the people’s political imagination of the old society and their way of narrating personal experience. This article also demonstrates people’s suspicion of and resistance to the state’s manipulation of memory and ritualization of historical education, as well as the ongoing contestation between forgetting, remembering, and representation in China today.     

The Current State of Japanese Research on the History of Chinese Women (1900-1949)

Abstract

Based on recently available new evidence, this study revisits the Gao Gang affair in the early 1950s, with an emphasis on Mao's role in manipulating elite politics as a way of strengthening his charismatic leadership. The CCP elite politics in the early 1950s were in essence "court politics" centered on and manipulated by Mao. Afraid of being sidelined by Beijing's "managerial elite" in economic reconstruction, Mao promoted Gao and other regional leaders, while stripping powers from Liu, Zhou, and their associates. By the end of 1953, Mao started to suspect Gao's loyalty and Gao's promotion backfired. Mao quickly abandoned Gao and isolated him, Gao's downfall was as quick and sudden as his rise. Mao's chief concern was none other than the enhancement and strengthening of the belief in his infallibility, which was the foundation of his charismatic authority.     

论毛泽东反浪费思想

毛泽东一生痛恨铺张浪费,并在实践中形成了内涵丰富的反浪费思想。一是对浪费的表现、危害及产生的根源作了深刻阐述,指出不能只看到物资浪费,还要关注时间、人力、物力的浪费;浪费既有经济危害又有严重的政治危害,是事关亡党亡国的大事,与贪污同样可怕,是破坏党群关系的政治问题;浪费的根本原因是作风问题。二是进行了丰富的实践探索,创造了加强思政教育、严格惩处、开展群众运动和整党整风、发挥领导干部带头作用等反对浪费的方法措施,并取得了实效。这些启示我们,当前扫除享乐之义和奢靡之风,加强反腐倡廉教育,建设节约型社会,应当旗帜鲜明、持之以恒、综合治理、注重制度反浪费。     

论毛泽东法律监督思想的“群众路线”内核

毛泽东法律监督思想作为毛泽东思想的重要组成部分,是中国特色社会主义法律体系的重要指导思想。在毛泽东法律监督思想中,贯穿始终的"群众路线"内核,是对马克思、恩格斯、列宁法律监督思想"人民性"的继承和超越,这对当下中国特色社会主义建设和法律监督工作具有非常重要的指导意义。