韦伯中国命题与东亚资本主义的发展

韦伯一个世纪前提出的新教伦理与资本主义精神的关系在东亚资本主义发展过程中具有相当的关切性,它体现在韦伯中国命题的相关内容中.自从韦伯命题诞生以来,出现了大量研究东亚现代化的学者对韦伯命题的解释和回应,但这些观点却并不足以完全否证韦伯命题.韦伯命题中包含的合理内核依然是我们理解东亚传统文化与现代化之间关系的重要路径.     

高职院校学生外语听力焦虑的调查与研究

外语听力焦虑作为语言学习者特有的一种心理现象,对学生的听力学习有着重要的影响。通过调查分析研究,统计分析结果发现,高职院校学生确实普遍存在外语听力焦虑问题;学生使用外语听力策略与外语焦虑程度呈现明显的负相关。因此,英语教师应该重视高职院校学生的听力焦虑问题,通过创造友好和谐的教学环境,加强英语听力学习策略培养等方式,缓解学生的听力焦虑情况。     

At the Polls

ABSTRACT

In this study, the authors attempt to add to existing knowledge on voter psyche during elections by examining the roles of voter concern and voters' desire to “keep up to date,” both of which have hitherto not been studied in this context. The analysis of data collected during a specific election in Australia reveals significant relationships with several well known psychological factors. The authors discuss these findings in the context of political marketing and furnish directions for future research.     

Fixing failures of U.K. electoral management

Concerns about electoral malpractice have been raised in many democracies in recent years because of errors made in the administration of elections by local election officials (LEOs). This article argues that adopting appropriate policy instruments to manage LEOs is an under-explored method for improving election administration and reducing electoral malpractice. The article provides a case study of the use of performance benchmarking schemes in the UK 2008–2010. Semi-structured interviews were undertaken with 74 LEOs from 41 organisations subject to newly devised performance indicators. The research demonstrates that performance benchmarking can encourage learning amongst local electoral officials and strengthen central control over them.     

When does inequality demobilize? New evidence from the American states

Income inequality has been rising throughout the industrialized world, particularly in the United States. This long been thought to depress turnout, but extant research has yielded mixed findings. Here, I argue that the inequality-turnout relationship is conditional, depending crucially on election salience. I test this by using three decades (1984–2014) of panel data from the U.S. states and by leveraging the fixed and exogenous occurrence of presidential (higher-salience) and midterm (lower-salience) elections. Overall, I find a negative and statistically significant relationship between income inequality and voter turnout in midterm election years, but a substantively small and non-significant relationship in presidential election years. I attribute this to the ability of presidential contests, relative to midterms, to counteract the demobilizing influence of high inequality, by piquing voters’ interest and activating citizens who would otherwise abstain. Overall, these findings help us to better understand of the politics of electoral participation in an era of high, and rising economic inequality.     

The downstream consequences of long waits: How lines at the precinct depress future turnout

Researchers have increasingly paid attention to the impact that the administrative component of elections has on voter behavior. Existing research has focused almost exclusively on the effect that legal changes--such as voter identification laws--have on turnout. This paper extends our understanding of the electoral process by exploring how one aspect of the precinct experience--standing in line to vote--can shape the turnout behavior of voters in subsequent elections. I demonstrate that for every additional hour a voter waits in line to vote, their probability of voting in the subsequent election drops by 1 percentage point. To arrive at these estimates, I analyze vote history files using a combination of exact matching and placebo tests to test the identification assumptions. I then leverage an unusual institutional arrangement in the City of Boston and longitudinal data from Florida to show that the result also holds at the precinct level. The findings in this paper have important policy implications for administrative changes that may impact line length, such as voter identification requirements and precinct consolidation. They also suggest that racial asymmetries in precinct wait times contribute to the gap in turnout rates between white and non-white voters.     

Selective abstention in simultaneous elections: Understanding the turnout gap

If two elections are held at the same day, why do some people choose to vote in one but to abstain in another? We argue that selective abstention is driven by the same factors that determine voter turnout. Our empirical analysis focuses on Sweden where the (aggregate) turnout gap between local and national elections has been about 2–3%. Rich administrative register data reveal that people from higher socio-economic backgrounds, immigrants, women, older individuals, and people who have been less geographically mobile are less likely to selectively abstain.     

论法律的经济分析的逻辑起点

逻辑起点是理论体系构建的＂阿基米德点＂,是理论体系赖以合理存在和深入发展的基础和依据。目前,法律的经济分析的逻辑起点存在的认识误区以及选择混乱,业已松动了法律的经济分析的根基。有鉴于此,对法律的经济分析的逻辑起点的正确定位不仅十分必要,而且意义深远。为此,将主流法律的经济分析的逻辑起点正确定位于理性人假设,这不仅能夯实法律的经济分析的根基,而且也因其放松对真实性的要求进而能有力地促进法律的经济分析的＂中兴＂。     

Look to Denmark or not? An experimental study of the Social Democrats’ strategic choices

Social Democratic parties struggle to maintain their strong electoral position, as political competition has shifted from the traditional left-right dimension to the cultural dimension. This has led to a debate on what would be the most viable electoral strategy for these parties in terms of adjusting their policies. Some propose a “New Left” policy platform that combines social investment and progressive cultural policies; others an “Old Left” policy platform that combines traditional redistribution policies and social-conservative cultural policies. We conducted a survey experiment to test the effects of these two platforms on support for the Norwegian Labour party. Our results show that the New Left platform is more popular among current Labour voters and voters from competing left-wing parties, and the two policy platforms are equally popular among the total electorate.     

Can wedge strategies by mainstream parties cross-cut the anti-immigration far right vote?

Anti-immigration campaigns have helped far right parties to establish themselves in party systems around the world. We examine whether mainstream parties can employ wedge issue campaigns that divide the far right anti-immigration vote to win back electoral support. Wedge issues that cross-cut the anti-immigration vote may enhance the electoral support of mainstream parties, as long as they do not simultaneously alienate pro-immigration voters. We evaluate this expectation using a panel survey experiment conducted during the 2021 German federal election. The first wave allows us to identify wedge issues that the mainstream CDU/CSU can stress to cross-cut the anti-immigration vote. The second wave raises the salience of these issues by manipulating the perceived issue agenda of the CDU/CSU using hypothetical campaign posters. While our results show that wedge issue strategies are not effective on average, exploratory analyses reveal the potential of strategically targeted messaging in winning back support of some anti-immigration voters.