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排序方式: 共有185条查询结果,搜索用时 31 毫秒
21.
This article seeks to understand the development of partisanship among the largest of contemporary immigrant groups, Asian Americans and Latinos. Identifying the processes that underlie the acquisition of partisanship is often complicated because the associated concepts are not easily isolated from one another. In particular, among those born in the U.S., distinguishing between the separate effects of age and political exposure on partisan development is especially difficult since age usually serves as an exact measure of exposure to the political system and vice versa. Because immigrants' length of residence does not correspond directly to their age, tracking the acquisition of party identification represents one way to untangle the effects of age and exposure on partisanship. A strong relationship between the number of years an immigrant has lived in the U.S. and the acquisition of partisanship is found. Further analysis shows that naturalization, gains in English language skills, and media use also contribute to immigrants' acquisition of partisanship. This study reveals that a process of reinforcement through exposure to the political system underlies the development of political attitudes across diverse immigrant groups. 相似文献
22.
DEBORAH SHAW 《Bulletin of Latin American research》1999,18(4):437-450
Abstract — This article examines the writings of the Mexican literary journalists, Guadalupe Loaeza and Cristina Pacheco. It traces the political agendas of the writers through an analysis of their work in two collected volumes, Las niñas bien (Loaeza) and Sopita de fideo (Pacheco). The paper argues that while each author focuses on opposite ends of the social scale, each piece of writing contains an implicit or explicit attack on the Mexican ruling classes which mismanage the economy, squander its wealth and condemn the majority to economic misery. 相似文献
23.
Aldo F. Ponce 《The Journal of Legislative Studies》2019,25(2):229-249
By primarily focusing on bill initiatives, the literature on legislatures and parliaments has understudied other important legislative instruments -such as non-binding resolutions, minutes or speeches- which might help parties and legislators achieve their electoral and policy goals. Non-binding resolutions (NBRs) do not carry the force of law and are primarily used for parties or legislators’ position taking and the request of government actions. This article examines the political goals of NBRs by examining these tools in the lower chamber of the Mexican Congress. Employing a novel dataset, we claim that legislators strategically utilise NBRs to strengthen their relationship with their political principals. We find differences on the use of these instruments across political parties, based on the types of policy areas they choose to target. The analysis also indicates that SMD legislators tend to introduce more particularistic NBRs that might further their political careers at the subnational level. 相似文献
24.
The Mexican Constitution, in the Poder Legislativo, grants state legislatures the authority to introduce legislation (iniciativas de ley) in the federal congress. In this paper the authors examine this powerful mechanism through which the Mexican state legislatures can directly influence policymaking at the federal level. Using a new data set of state-led initiatives, this work: describes the frequency with which iniciativas are introduced; describes the substance, timing, and final disposition of these state-led initiatives; and explains which factors affect the probability of presenting a state-led initiative. The authors find that party competition and partisan divisions at the state and federal levels play a significant role in the use of iniciativas de los congresos estatales. The authors’ study of this peculiar authority granted to the Mexican states contributes to the rich discussion of the changing role of the states in the era of Mexico’s nuevo federalismo. 相似文献
25.
在女性群体中有一个特殊的人群--农村水库移民女性.从对移民家庭发展历程中经历的搬迁、建房和土地利用这三个生活场景变迁的描述中可以看出,作为妻子和母亲双重角色的移民女性群体的社会适应过程,及其对抗危机策略中所表现的灵活实用和开放发展的特质. 相似文献
26.
Claudia Schatan Liliana Castilleja 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2007,7(2):109-135
The electronic sector, in particular, the computing industry, has become an increasing concern because of the environmental
impact of its products throughout their life cycle. The United States, Europe and Japan as the greatest consumers of electronic
goods have given special attention to this issue. The fast computer obsolescence and its difficult confinement, because of
the hazardous substances contained, have required a special effort of technical innovation. Nevertheless, this effort seems
to respond mainly to the standards required by the countries in which these goods are produced, consumed and confined, which
are radically different in developed and developing countries. Though an important part of the production process (assembling)
is done in developing countries, little attention has been paid to the environmental quality at this production stage. This
study examines the environmental problems and strategy of the electronic assembly industry in the three northern border cities
of Mexico. Almost half of 200 electronic maquiladora enterprises surveyed had not undertaken any active environmental policy
and there was a limited environmental standards enforcement. Evidence was found that the firms that had operated for a longer
period of time had better chances of taking better care of the environment. Environmental firm policies became weaker as one
descended from the head office to the subsidiaries and then to their suppliers. It is also found that some transnational corporations
operate with double standards in Mexico and thus strong national policies on environmental standards in Mexico are required
to change this practice.
相似文献
Claudia SchatanEmail: |
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《Journal of Ethnicity in Criminal Justice》2013,11(3):83-103
Abstract This paper seeks to develop an understanding of Mexican American incarceration including an examination of historical experiences in three selected states: California, New Mexico, and Texas. A caste model of inequality is considered to determine if it is useful in understanding the risk of imprisonment for Mexican Americans. Blalock's (1967) theory regarding ethnic concentration and increased discrimination is also used to allow for systematic analyses of the data. Finally, analyses of the U.S. Department of Justice Bureau of Justice Statistics study number 3029 (2001) are presented for partial evaluation of the impact of caste, of Blalock's (1967) theory, and to inform suggestions for improved data collection and future research. There was no consistent support for the expectations of overrepresentations of Mexican Americans in California or Texas prisons. Neither was there consistent support for the expectation that Mexican Americans sentenced in counties with high concentrations of Mexican Americans would receive longer sentences than would Anglos. 相似文献
30.
《Journal of Ethnicity in Criminal Justice》2013,11(1-2):47-65
Abstract The study seeks to determine (1) whether the crime seriousness ranking hierarchy identified by Rossi et al. in 1974 persists and (2) whether intra-group agreement on the relative ordering of crimes exists within a Mexican American sample stratified by age and sex. A self-administered survey questionnaire surveyed a sample of 525 college students and 426 parents. Respondents were asked to rank 20 crime offenses according to perceived seriousness. The analyses indicate that the older cohort of respondents is more conservative than the college students and that female students have lower tolerance for crime than their male counterparts. Among Mexican Americans, significant generational and sex differences exist in how serious certain behaviors are perceived. 相似文献