美国“TPP战略”与台湾加入之前景解析

近年来，美国所倡导和力推的“跨太平洋伙伴关系协议”（TPP）得到了台湾当局的积极响应。美国基于牵制中国主导的东亚经济一体化进程以及扩大对台贸易出口的双重动因，对台湾加入TPP表示支持。而台湾当局出于拓展“国际经贸空间”，提升美台实质性关系，并减少对大陆经济依赖度等多重目的，也积极谋求加入TPP。但是受制于两岸关系的现实以及中美关系的大局，加之台湾岛内经济自由化程度远未达到TPP的要求，台湾当局加入TPP的过程势必困难重重。     

民主选举与社会分裂——东亚民主转型国家与地区的政治与政局

东亚民主转型国家和地区发生的社会分裂与其实行的民主制度之间存在较强的关联性。在经济发展不平衡、贫富差距大、民族国家意识淡泊及选举文化有欠成熟的情况下,参与选举的政治势力和社会群体倾向于将投票及相关活动视为扩大自身利益和削弱对方力量的机会,导致不同政治势力和社会群体之间的对立和冲突超出可控范围。     

十月革命前朝鲜人向俄国远东地区迁移述评

俄国占领中国黑龙江以北、乌苏里江以东土地后,急需大量劳动力对该地区进行开发。1864年第一批朝鲜人越过边界来到俄国远东,此后陆续有大批朝鲜人进入远东。他们为远东的开发做出了不可忽视的贡献,特别是善于从事农耕的朝鲜人开垦了大片荒地,促进了远东农业的发展。十月革命前朝鲜人向远东移民的历史可分为两个时期,以1895年的中日甲午战争为界,每个时期又可划分为几个阶段。     

Integrating participatory elements into conventional research projects: measuring the costs and benefits

Until recently, participatory and conventional approaches to agricultural research have been regarded as more or less antagonistic. This article presents evidence from three sub-projects of a Thai–Vietnamese–German collaborative research programme on ‘Sustainable Land Use and Rural Development in Mountainous Regions of Southeast Asia’, in which participatory elements were successfully integrated into conventional agricultural research as add-on activities. In all three sub-projects the costs of studying local knowledge or enhancing farmers' experimentation consisted of additional local personnel, opportunity costs of participating farmers' time, and travel costs. However, these participatory elements of the research projects constituted only a small fraction of the total costs. It may be concluded that conventional agricultural research can be complemented by participatory components in a cost-effective way, while producing meaningful benefits in terms of creating synergies by blending scientific and local knowledge, scaling up micro-level data, and highlighting farmers' constraints affecting technology adoption.     

东亚共同体:路径、机制与挑战

基于东亚金融危机的体制性原因,东亚一体化提上了议事日程,应该说,这是区域合作的政治构想。然而,作为政治构想的东亚一体化是一种"经济增长型政治"的意图,它走出了一条与欧盟完全不同的路径。首先,在欧洲,以"欧洲人"为核心的欧洲主义成为地域统合的原动力,可是,东亚经济统合缺乏"欧洲人"那种主体性意识,这是一种地域结构性的差异。其次,东盟"10+3"模式是东亚共同体的推进机制,然而,与欧盟比较,东亚缺少一个既有共同政治基础、又有法律约束力的推进机构。再次,冷战从欧洲全面退却,但是,在东亚,"冷战"呈进攻态势,"亚洲主义"成为东亚一体化进程中难以跨越的障碍。最后,文章指出,应以自由贸易协定推进东亚机构建设,以机构推进东亚一体化进程,并推动东亚共同的经济政治制度建设。     

中国和俄罗斯远东：关于人口不平衡的问题

很多俄罗斯学者认为,俄罗斯远东的人口密度远远小于中国东北的人口密度,这不利于俄罗斯的安全。我们认为,在整个东北亚,人口密度依赖于自然条件,而不是土地的国别;在俄罗斯和中国,起作用的是相同的人口分布规律,人口分布的不成比例显示在这两个国家的内部,而不是在两国之间。     

俄罗斯远东地区人口与劳动力资源问题

20世纪90年代初以来,俄罗斯远东地区一直深陷人口危机之中。人口和劳动力资源潜力受到严重破坏。随着经济逐渐复苏,劳动力匮乏问题凸显,对远东地区乃至整个俄罗斯经济和社会发展构成现实威胁。人口问题亟待解决,俄中央和地方政府正采取措施,其中包括吸引移民和利用外国劳动力,补充人口和劳动力资源。     

建构共同体的东亚模式

建设东亚共同体已开始成为东亚13国的共识,东亚思想库网络第二届年会充分表现了这种共识,并对为建构东亚共同体需要努力的5个方面进行了深入的讨论。作为第二轨道组织,东亚思想库网络的议事和决策程序在一定程度上反映了共同体建构的东亚模式:互相尊重、舒适程度、协商一致。这也表现在会议通过的《东亚思想库基本规则和框架》文件之中。     

Decentralising to Villages in Indonesia: Money (and Other) Mistakes

Nearly 15 years after embarking on its large‐scale decentralisation programme, Indonesia has decided to extend its efforts to the village level. Decentralising to villages is intended to improve service delivery performance at the lowest administrative tier and reduce social inequality and poverty. A number of potential difficulties with the design of Indonesia's nascent village decentralisation initiative have already become apparent. Methods used to allocate funds to villages are particularly problematic. Oddly, fund distribution procedures insist to a large extent on equal per village allocations, despite the significant heterogeneity of villages. And they ignore other sources of revenue to which villages have access. In the event, village revenues will be very inequitably distributed: villages with high levels of poverty will receive less money than they need and villages with access to significant funding from oil and gas revenues will receive more than required. Also, village service responsibilities are unclearly defined, village financial management systems are inadequately prepared to handle large increases in funding, and mechanisms to monitor and control village spending are underdeveloped. These difficulties will severely constrain the achievement of official objectives and create further challenges for reformers in their attempts to combat corruption at the subnational level. Copyright © 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Basic education clusters in Cambodia: looking at the future while learning from the past

School clusters have been adopted as an education policy by most Asian countries since the 1960s. In Cambodia, primary schools have been organised in clusters since 1993. Clusters were considered a mechanism for quality improvements of education and a way to facilitate sharing and interaction between schools. Primary school clusters have been partially successful. Today there is a growing interest among Cambodian policymakers for integrating primary schools (Grades 1–6) and lower secondary schools (Grades 7–9). This article provides a policy suggestion by arguing for extending the cluster mechanism to these integrated basic education schools with all grades from 1 to 9.