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31.
This article constructs a rational choice model of the intergenerational transmission of party identification. At a given time, identification with a party is the estimate of average future benefits from candidates of that party. Experienced voters constantly update this expectation using political events since the last realignment to predict the future in accordance with Bayes Rule. New voters, however, have no experience of their own. In Bayesian terms, they need prior beliefs. It turns out that under certain specified conditions, these young voters should rationally choose to employ parental experience to help orient themselves to politics. The resulting model predicts several well–known features of political socialization, including the strong correlation between parents' and children's partisanship, the greater partisan independence of young voters, and the tendency of partisan alignments to decay. 相似文献
32.
阎美玲 《中央社会主义学院学报》2002,(3):17-20
对不同类型政党制度进行比较 ,能帮助我们更好地认识中国政党制度的优越性。要进行比较就要有正确的比较方法和衡量标准 ,并满足进行比较的基本条件。在进行比较时要用历史唯物主义和辩证唯物主义的方法进行全面的客观的比较 ;在确定衡量标准时 ,最根本的是要从本国国情出发 ;立足本国实际是进行比较的基本条件。 相似文献
33.
Adrienne Barnett 《Feminist Legal Studies》2000,8(2):241-254
This note examines the decision of the Family Division of the High Court in N. v. N. (Jurisdiction: Pre-Nuptial Agreement) in which, in the context of Jewish divorce proceedings, the Court found that it had no jurisdiction to order a husband, by
specific performance of a marriage agreement, to go through the procedure to obtain a ‘get’ (a hand-written bill of divorcement)
allowing his wife to remarry. First, discussion of the case is contextualised broadly within the debate on the (de)merits
of employing legal means in order to redress social wrongs. Secondly, adopting a theoretical perspective upon the difficulties involved in using law to achieve social change,
the note goes on to examine more specifically why women from minority cultures may choose to go to the law of the dominant
culture in order to obtain relief.
This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献
34.
Grigorii V. Golosov 《Central Asian Survey》2020,39(3):285-302
ABSTRACT This article overviews and seeks to explain the processes of party system formation in the post-Soviet Central Asian states (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan) by focusing on a crucial party-system property, fragmentation. The analysis reveals that to a much greater extent than in democracies, where party systems are largely shaped by societal factors, the level of party system fragmentation in autocracies is determined by the scope of presidential powers, as entrenched in the formal institutional order and reflected in the national constitution. The level of authoritarianism is largely inconsequential for party system fragmentation, while the role of electoral rules is secondary. Institutionally weak and institutionally strong autocratic presidents have a preference for fragmented party systems, while presidents with an intermediate range of powers seek and obtain low levels of party system fragmentation. 相似文献
35.
杨爱平 《广东行政学院学报》2004,16(2):43-46,74
在经济全球化和区域化竞争不断加剧的条件下,区域的制度竞争力已经成为决定区域整体竞争力的核心要素。在"一国两制"下,粤、港、澳三地结成的大珠三角区域,共同建构学习型区域,相互进行制度的模仿、学习,进而走向制度的协调和制度的融合,这是缩小区域制度落差,提升区域整体制度竞争力的重要途径。 相似文献
36.
In recent years the concept of parity democracy has rapidly risen up the European political agenda. Using a threefold typology of sex-quotas, this article undertakes a classification of the measures taken by the 15 old E.U. member states to improve the gender balance in representative assemblies. This is then used as the basis for an exploration of the advantages and disadvantages of the parity approach as a tool to promote gender equality, including the constitutional obstacles which stand in its way. The article goes on to present a comparative study of several national systems in which attempts to achieve parity democracy have been pursued, concluding that, in order to maximise their effectiveness, parity measures must operate within a system of unbiased political structures and be properly adjusted to suit the particularities of individual national electoral regimes. 相似文献
37.
杨爱平 《广东行政学院学报》2003,15(3):31-35
澳门回归 3年多来 ,特区政府在“一国两制”方针和《澳门基本法》的指引下 ,进行了一系列卓有成效的行政改革。这些改革特点鲜明、卓有成效 ,但也存在些许缺憾与不足。在未来的行政改革进程中 ,特区政府除应保持改革原有的特色外 ,需要着力于 :树立“权变的”和“可持续的”行政改革观 ;重组澳门的公共行政精神和公共行政文化 ;打造特区政府独特的国际竞争力 ;建立健全“次区域化”视野下的政府全面合作的制度安排 相似文献
38.
孔朝霞 《中共长春市委党校学报》2001,(6):59-62
“一国两制“是中国共产党解决台湾与祖国大陆统一的根本原则;台湾主要领导人所持的与“一国两制“相对立的态度是阻碍海峡两岸统一的根本原因;美国插手台湾问题则是影响两岸关系的国外原因. 相似文献
39.
杜中武 《中共云南省委党校学报》2001,(4)
“一国两制”理论是对“一纲四目”构想的继承和发展。其中“一纲四目”的形成经历了一个由武力解决到和平统一的转变;“一国两制”被作为一项长期的国策,“江八点”使其更加丰富和全面。 相似文献
40.
PR systems often are credited with producing more equitable outcomes between political parties and encouraging wider social group representation than majoritarian systems. Theory suggests that this should instill greater trust, efficacy, and faith in the political system. We assume that citizens disadvantaged by majoritarian rules (political minorities) will have a relatively greater shift toward positive attitudes about democracy following a transition from a majoritarian system to proportional representation. We employ panel data from the 1993–1996 New Zealand Election Study (NZES) to test hypotheses about the effects of electoral system change on attitudes about governmental responsiveness, trust in government, and political efficacy. We find that there is a general shift in mass opinion toward more positive attitudes on some measures of efficacy and responsiveness. Political minorities display a greater shift toward feelings of efficacy than other voters. 相似文献