中国国家形象建构的空间维度

中国国家形象的建构是与中国国力不断提升,国际地位不断提高密切相关的.国家形象的建构引入空间概念,并从空间维度进行审视和阐释,不失为理解国家形象的一条途径.对国家文化形象的空间审视应当着眼于内空间建构和差异空间的控制,在可持续性的文化发现和播撒中实现新世纪中国文化形象的重建.     

国民政府十年(1939-1949)基层民意机关建设数量分析

1939年,为摆脱内忧外患的困境,国民政府重拾地方自治,推行新县制.在县及县级以下设立基层民意机关,然而,从1942、1944、1947年三个典型时间阶段看,稍能体现民主性质、国民政府又三令五申、倾力打造的基层民意机关并没有如期建立,这就使民主政治丧失了基本的组织基础.因此,所谓地方自治只能是无法实现的虚幻梦想了.     

A comparative analysis of voter turnout in regional elections

Elections to regional assemblies have become increasingly important as the power and responsibilities of regional governments have increased. Yet, few studies have attempted to explain the considerable variation in turnout in regional elections from one region to another. This article conducts a cross-sectional examination of voter participation in regional elections across nine multi-level OECD states between 2003 and 2006. It contends that standard models of voter turnout in national elections are insufficient to explain variation in turnout in regional elections and argues for the use of independent variables tailored to capture variation across regional communities and regional political institutions. Our findings suggest that variations in the strength of political autonomy and the strength of attachment to the region among the electorate have a strong and positive impact on the level of turnout in regional elections.     

南京国民政府时期的武汉警政改革

南京国民政府成立以后,为加强对社会控制的需要,在武汉警政方面进行了一系列改革:警察机构的改革、专业化的训练、现代的军事纪律、不断完善的武器装备和通讯体系、西方和日本的巡警制度引入,增强了南京国民政府对武汉城市社会的控制能力。     

法律-文件共治模式的生成逻辑与规范路径 ——基于四十年教育规范性文件的考察

行政机关或党政机关联合制发规范性文件是行政实践中的现实图景。通过对教育领域的实证考察发现,法律和规范性文件在不同时期呈现不同的互动模式,并在当前改革背景下形成了法律文件共同治理的格局。新时期法律文件共治模式既具有法律位阶理论和功能主义视角下的法理基础,也源于“文件治国”在社会政策变迁中的功能多元化需求,以及行政效能原则下的实践基础。法律文件共治模式在治理实践中的功能发挥,需要以厘清二者内容边界作为前提条件、以二者体系共存的相容性作为价值指引,以及以法律的立改废释与文件的清理备案作为程序保障。     

认真贯彻落实党的十七届四中全会精神 不断深化干部人事制度改革

党的十七届四中全会《决定》提出了深化干部人事制度改革的重要任务。深化干部人事制度改革是深入贯彻落实科学发展观、服务经济文化强省建设的迫切需要,是建设中国特色干部管理制度、努力营造选贤任能浓厚氛围的迫切需要,是匡正选人用人风气、提高选人用人公信度和群众满意度的迫切需要。必须牢牢把握中央在深化干部人事制度改革上提出的新要求新举措,坚持德才兼备、以德为先的用人标准,把干部的德放在首要位置;坚持民主、公开、竞争、择优,完善干部选拔任用机制;坚持完善从基层一线培养选拔干部制度,促进形成重视基层的用人导向;坚持严格要求和关心爱护相结合,健全干部管理机制。     

The Karabakh conflict and Armenia’s failed transition

Despite its early promise, Armenia’s transition to democracy has stalled. The literature on post-Communist transitions ascribes this outcome to the autocratic preferences of its first generation of leaders, and particularly the country’s first president Levon Ter-Petrossian. I argue in this article that that literature depicts a profoundly distorted picture of the Armenian politics of the 1990s. The failure of Armenia’s transition was primarily due to the conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh and the political processes it set in motion.     

Is there a new institutional response to the crimes of Communism? National memory agencies in post-Communist countries: the Polish case (1998–2014), with references to East Germany

Post-Communist Europe has not chosen to imitate the Truth and Justice or Truth and Reconciliation Commissions set up on several other continents. The notion of reconciliation with the Communist regime is not of much interest to certain political parties, many of which are rooted in the protest against the compromises that were part of the negotiated revolutions. The model admired by post-Communist countries was the one conceived by the Germans. Almost all the countries founded specific institutions – institutes – for managing memory, with archives located in these institutes. Some have archives that date from before World War II to 1990; they handle both totalitarianisms. What is feared is that through the game of partisan appointments, these institutes will become little more than instruments in less than honest hands for use in political contests. This is especially likely given that the Polish Institute of National Memory (IPN) employees perform several functions: classification, prosecution, and evaluating individual applicants to certain administrative positions. The specialized literature usually explains the trials and tribulations of Poland’s IPN in terms of the personalities of its different directors and the period in which each occupied that post. In this paper, we have verified this hypothesis.     

All spending is not equal: European Union public spending,policy feedback and citizens’ support for the EU

While public support is central to the problem‐solving capacity of the European Union, we know little about when and why the EU can increase its citizens’ support through spending. Extensive research finds that citizens living in countries that are net beneficiaries of the EU budget are more supportive of the EU, assuming that citizens care equally about all forms of spending. It is argued in this article, however, that the amount of spending is only part of the story. Understanding the effects of spending on support requires a consideration of how transfers are spent. Drawing on policy feedback theories in comparative politics, it is shown that support for the EU is a function of the fit between the spending area and economic need in individuals’ immediate living context. Results from a statistical analysis of EU spending on human capital, infrastructure, agriculture, energy and environmental protection in 127 EU regions over the period 2001–2011 corroborate this argument. As the EU and other international organisations become increasingly publicly contested, the organisations themselves may increasingly try to shore up public support through spending, but they will only be successful under specific conditions.