民间借贷：现状、影响及合法性探讨

近年来我国的民间借贷市场空前活跃，其在市场规模、表现形式、投资方向及借贷利率等方面呈现出新的特点。民间借贷在为中小企业解决融资难题、发挥积极作用的同时，也对借贷企业的健康发展、国家金融秩序及社会稳定造成了一定的负面影响。对民间借贷进行规制应先探讨民间借贷的合法性，这对推进民间借贷的规范化和法制化具有一定的理论和实践意义。     

校园心罚现象评析

心罚也称精神虐待或心灵施暴,在当前中小学教育中不同程度地普遍存在着,因其隐蔽性常为人们所忽视。本文从心罚形式、消极后果,教师施行心罚的自身原因和给教师的建议等四个方面,对心罚现象作了比较深入的探讨,以唤起广大教师的重视,更好地推进素质教育。     

试论新闻监督负面效应的表现与防治

新闻监督是公众通过新闻媒体施行的舆论监督 ,是舆论监督中最具影响力的社会监督方式。开展新闻监督应慎之又慎 ,以避免产生负面效应 ,带来消极的社会影响和政治影响。     

Relationship of Substance Use/Abuse with Psychological and Physical Intimate Partner Violence: Variations Across Living Situations

This study addresses whether the relationship between illicit drug use/abuse measures and intimate partner violence (IPV) varies across socioeconomic status, racial status, and environmental indictors of a drug supportive culture. Data from 19,131 respondents who were living with intimate partners and had not been treated for a substance abuse problem in the last year and participated in the National Household Survey on Drug Abuse were analyzed. Marijuana use/abuse was a stronger predictor of IPV and psychological abuse for minorities, but was not a significant predictor of Caucasians’ IPV. Marijuana use/abuse also was a stronger predictor of IPV for those having a low socioeconomic status, but indicators of a drug supportive culture did not moderate the relationship. Minorities’ marijuana use/abuse increased their yelling and insulting behavior toward each other, and this psychological abuse mediated the effect of marijuana use/abuse on IPV. By contrast, stimulant use, sedative use, and alcohol abuse or dependence had independent direct effects on IPV after controlling for psychological abuse. Implications for research and policy are discussed.     

边境地区非物质文化遗产发展的跨境耦合效应--以中缅边境地区孔雀舞发展为例

孔雀舞是中国和缅甸的傣族边民所共享的民族传统文化事象。起源于傣族人民日常生活的傣族孔雀舞在进入非物质文化遗产名录后取得的重大发展和该文化事象与村民的日常生活更加紧密有关。傣族孔雀舞在中、缅两国境内的传承方式和发展现状存在的差异与两国不同的文化政策有重要的关系。孔雀舞在中国境内的发展为缅甸边民提供了就业机会和发展平台,同时,缅甸境内更加传统的架子孔雀舞为中国架子孔雀舞的发展提供了更加丰富的资源基础。非物质文化遗产跨境交流所产生的耦合效应对于边境地区的和平跨居、经济发展和文化繁荣具有积极意义。     

How voter mobilization from short text messages travels within households and families: Evidence from two nationwide field experiments

Through two large GOTV field experiments in two different elections, we investigate the spillover effect to other household members and family members outside the household. We mobilized young voters with cell phone text messages, a campaign tactic unlikely to be observed by other persons than the treated. The direct effect varied but approximately 30 percent spilled over to other persons in the household, even parents. The effects are subtle and we cannot with certainty establish that a spillover effect exists. However, we demonstrate, using Bayesian updating, that even an initial skeptic becomes close to convinced that the effect spills over. Our study provides evidence by suggesting that young individuals’ decision to vote affect other household members, including their parents, to do the same. When young voters live without their parents, we find no evidence of spillovers to parents, suggesting that households are more important than families ties for turnout contagion.     

网络监督的公共政治属性与建设路径

网络监督的兴起有现实需求、技术支持和制度政策基础。在社会转型期,面对腐败的高发和多变,以网络监督为核心生成的腐败治理意愿正是现阶段社会公众的政治需求。但是,网络监督对腐败治理具有双重效应。因此,为有效治理腐败,优化网络监督,要抑制其负面效应,强化网络监督的公共政治属性,培育网络主体理性参与精神;要激励实名举报,建立实名举报保护机制;要优化官民合作机制,建立腐败线索收集、整理和反馈机制。     

Partisan consequences of low turnout at elections to the European Parliament

Low turnout and potential differences in party preferences between voters and non-voters may affect party vote shares at European Parliament (EP) elections. Of particular concern is the rise of Eurosceptic and populist parties, but scholars do not know whether these would benefit from increased voter mobilization. To address this gap, we simulate the party choices of non-voters at the 2009 and 2014 EP elections. Contrary to analyses of turnout effects at general elections in multiparty systems, our simulations suggest that left-leaning and ideologically moderate parties would gain if turnout went up to levels observed at first-order national elections. And while there is some evidence that populist parties might have benefitted from higher turnout at the 2014 elections (but not in 2009), our findings do not support expectations that either Eurosceptic or Europhile parties’ vote share would be affected by higher turnout.     

“垄断福利”的负面效应与治理路向

"垄断福利"本质上也是一种腐败。"垄断福利"现象的滋生、蔓延与扩散,造成了系列的负面效应,扭曲了资源的合理配置,影响了社会的公平正义,加剧了社会的矛盾集聚,阻碍了和谐社会的进程。要彻底遏制和消除"垄断福利"腐败,必须从根源上找寻破解之道,治理必须从垄断本身切入,标本兼治,强化监督,注重长效。一是追本溯源,深入探析"垄断福利"的滋生机理;二是引入竞争,彻底铲除"垄断福利"的生存土壤;三是多管齐下,全面建构"垄断福利"的监管机制。     

DO NEIGHBORHOODS GENERATE FEAR OF CRIME? AN EMPIRICAL TEST USING THE BRITISH CRIME SURVEY*

For a long time, criminologists have contended that neighborhoods are important determinants of how individuals perceive their risk of criminal victimization. Yet, despite the theoretical importance and policy relevance of these claims, the empirical evidence base is surprisingly thin and inconsistent. Drawing on data from a national probability sample of individuals, linked to independent measures of neighborhood demographic characteristics, visual signs of physical disorder, and reported crime, we test four hypotheses about the mechanisms through which neighborhoods influence fear of crime. Our large sample size, analytical approach, and the independence of our empirical measures enable us to overcome some of the limitations that have hampered much previous research into this question. We find that neighborhood structural characteristics, visual signs of disorder, and recorded crime all have direct and independent effects on individual‐level fear of crime. Additionally, we demonstrate that individual differences in fear of crime are strongly moderated by neighborhood socioeconomic characteristics; between‐group differences in expressed fear of crime are both exacerbated and ameliorated by the characteristics of the areas in which people live.