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961.
张连德 《中国发展》2011,11(6):39-43
信任作为一种强大的社会资本,对新农村建设具有重要意义。当前中国农村社会的信任状况不容乐观,在人际信任层面主要表现为村民之间的熟人信任受到威胁以及村民对"外人"的普遍信任尚未建立,在制度信任层面主要表现为农民对制度信任模式缺乏认同和农民对制度公正性的怀疑与不放心。为此,该文从政府、组织、制度等方面提出了相应措施。  相似文献   
962.
工业化是实现现代化不可逾越的过程。铜仁地区工业化程度低,推进工业化进程是发展机遇与挑战并存。因此,提高干部素质、形成良好作风和树立开放意识等问题是工业化进程中不可忽视的问题。  相似文献   
963.
New Labour     
Abstract

This paper examines the use made by political parties of branding, as a means of establishing party values and winning political support. It looks in particular at the way in which political parties use communication to create, build and maintain political brands.

The paper involves an examination of the recent history of the British Labour Party. After a long period in the political wilderness, the party re-branded itself as “New Labour” in the mid-1990s, and-as New Labour-swept to power in a landslide election victory in 1997, under their new leader, Tony Blair.

Using media coverage and material written by some of the architects of New Labour, the paper will describe the creation of the “New Labour” brand, and look at how it was developed and used to generate political support. The paper will also consider the evolution and development of the brand, as the substance underlying the stated brand values has come to be questioned, not least by so-called “Old Labour” supporters of the party.

The paper will draw conclusions regarding the successful management of a political brand, pointing in particular at the need to ensure that the performance of a party espousing a particular brand supports and reinforces communicated brand values and the brand itself.  相似文献   
964.
当前新社会组织参与社会管理还面临着一系列的问题,如体制问题,法律完善问题,自我管理问题等等。如何克服这些难题,发挥新社会组织参与社会管理创新的协同作用,是当前加强和创新社会管理工作的重要方面。  相似文献   
965.
新时代思想政治工作面临的新情况和新课题,主要表现在西方文化两面性的不断渗透、市场经济两重性的巨大影响、现代网络双重效应的不断显现、"四个多样化"给人们思想行为带来了新变化这四个方面。为此,必须明确新时代思想政治工作的三大战略性新任务:大力推动经济社会"又好又快"地科学发展、把党的政治优势转化为科学发展优势、把社会主义核心价值体系融入思想教育与文化建设的全过程。加强和改进新时代的思想政治工作,必须坚持思想政治工作的正确原则,严格遵循做好思想政治工作的行为准则;必须努力掌握思想政治工作的科学方法,不断提高思想政治工作的有效性;必须改进党对思想政治工作的领导和管理,建设一支坚强的政工队伍。  相似文献   
966.
Can public sector reform change service performance for the better? This is a hotly contested debate that carries significant theoretical and practical importance. In England, as in many countries, modernisation was at the heart of local government reform and represented an interpretation of New Public Management into a policy framework. This paper examines the role of the modernisation change agenda in England and what this has subsequently meant for ‘service improvement’. Drawing on both document analyses and qualitative interviews with local government employees, we find that while modernisation sought to establish continuous improvement, unintended consequences of modernisation have led to Staff Reductions, Skill Deficiencies, and Loss of a Competent Middle Core in local government, as well as performance outcomes creating an environment for Commissioning, Service Reduction, and Self‐Policing. Implications for the lasting roles and behaviours of public managers affected by this national change agenda are discussed, and conclusions for theory and practice are drawn.  相似文献   
967.
Malcolm Abbott 《圆桌》2019,108(1):21-35
This article examines the current state of economic relations that the United Kingdom has with New Zealand and Australia, in light of the former’s decision to leave the European Union. Although there are prospects for future trade between these countries post-Brexit based on the three countries’ current comparative advantages, perhaps the greatest scope is for greater trade in services along with greater investment flows. Trade in food produce would be affected by changes in trade policy post-Brexit but other goods such as forestry, mineral and manufacturing products would be more affected by changes in general economic conditions and the relative competiveness of the industries in international markets. Already these aspects of trade are important and are expected to grow and develop over time. Much of the future negotiations between the three countries will take up a range of issues associated with investment and the trade in services and much of the future prospects for growth in trade might depend on the success of these negotiations.  相似文献   
968.
目前,各国就投资仲裁上诉机制改革提交给联合国国际贸易法委员会第三工作组的建议主要有两种模式,分别是设立多边投资法院上诉机制和设立常设多边上诉机制。相对于多边投资法院,常设多边上诉机制更具有正当性与可行性。常设多边上诉机制对仲裁裁决一致性、可预测性和正确性的保障依托于具体规则的建立。一方面,上诉机制的审查范围应涵盖法律适用和事实认定错误以及程序性错误,以确保全面实现上诉机制的纠错功能;另一方面,应将事实认定上的错误限于“明显错误”,以提高仲裁效率。虽然遵循先例尚未成为国际仲裁实践的一般性原则,不能要求常设多边上诉机构在仲裁裁决中遵循既往裁决以提高裁决的一致性、连贯性和可预测性,但是WTO司法实践中发展形成的事实上的遵循先例也可以被常设多边上诉机制所借鉴。  相似文献   
969.
New Zealand women gained the vote in 1893, the first women in the world to do so. But they could not stand as candidates for Parliament. Early twentieth-century party leaders were reluctant to allow women full suffrage. This article examines the attitudes and influence of New Zealand party leaders from 1935 to 1975 in helping or hindering women gain representation in Parliament. It concludes that during those 40 years the most influential gatekeepers were the party leaders. By 1972, however, the Second Wave of Feminism and the changing attitudes of some party leaders resulted in women gaining more opportunities to become MPs and by 2001 an unprecedented number of women held leadership positions in the New Zealand Parliament.  相似文献   
970.
Modern political marketing management of parties, government, and parliament have gradually taken place within and across democratic countries ruled under either the parliamentary government or presidential government systems. Little attention, however, has been directed to the extent to which modern political marketing management of parliament has taken place within countries run under the presidential system of government, especially Indonesia. As led by hypothetical-inductive approach, this work has been specifically directed to explore (1) the dynamic exchanges and interactions; (2) the nature and structure of political market arenas; (3) types of political products; and (4) models of political marketing management of the Indonesian parliament/the Indonesian House of Representatives. This work explores the extent to which institutional marketing management strategies have been advanced by the Indonesian Parliament/the Indonesian House of Representatives since Post–New Order Soeharto up to the Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) government era (2004 to 2014).  相似文献   
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