Judicial Independence, Judicial Promotion and the Enforcement of Legislative Wealth Transfers—An Empirical Study of the New Zealand High Court

This paper investigates the Landes-Posner thesis on judicial independence using data on public law decisions in which the government was the defendant decided in the New Zealand High Court over the period 1958–2001. We use survival analysis to examine whether successive New Zealand governments have promoted judges from the High Court to the Court of Appeal (which stands above the High Court) on the basis of political considerations, the quality of the judge's decision-making or both. Our findings suggest that the quality of decision-making has generally been important. Consistent with the weak form of the Landes-Posner hypothesis we find no evidence that governments have used their powers to punish judges who decided cases against them. On the contrary, we find some support for the strong form of the Landes-Posner thesis that governments positively use their powers to secure judicial independence.     

石家庄市"两新"组织党建机制与特点的探索与思考

加强“两新”组织党建,是新时期党建工作的新领域、新课题。我们要从提高党的执政能力、推进新时期党的建设新的伟大工程的战略高度出发,探索与思考“两新”组织党建工作的机制、特点与规律。创新机制,形成合力是开创“两新”组织党建工作新局面的重要保证;创新形式,突出重点抓组建,是开创党建工作的起点和重点;结合特点,探索规律是党建工作的生命力所在。     

浅论现代新型教师的角色定位和基本素质

作为一名现代新型教师，其教师角色主要定位在四个方面：学者；学生的良师益友；理论研究者和实践者；青少年思想教育的承担者。而每一个角色定位的背后又需要多种必备基本素质的支撑。     

确保审判不受传媒干扰的法律思考

传媒对诉讼案件的不规范报道在很大程度上干预了独立审判 ,而现代法制国家关于报道诉讼案件应遵循的规则早已成为系统的法律规定。我国应借鉴域外的调整规则 ,根据中国国情 ,应对传媒采访报道诉讼案件的时间、方式、范围以及对录音录像等设备的使用进行规范 ,设置传媒采访报道诉讼案件的相应规则 ,并运用现有的法律规定 ,最大限度地消除传媒报道对审判的负面影响 ,确保审判不受其干扰。     

20世纪新诗思潮述评

现实主义、浪漫主义与现代主义,这三大思潮共同存在于20世纪中国的诗坛,既有互相抵牾与矛盾的情形,又有兼容与互补的一面。如果剥除其中政治化的和其他非诗的因素的干扰,实际上已凸显了中国新诗理论所显现出来的两种不同的发展趋势。一是面向社会, 一是面向自我;一是强调为人生,一是强调为艺术;一是集体性的民族性格的展示,一是个人化的人格的展示。二者互相对立,同时又互相转换、互相补充,构成20世纪中国新诗理论的基本态势。     

民营企业推进新农村建设问题研究——山东省德州市“希森现象”透视

山东省德州市"希森现象"是民营企业推进建设社会主义新农村的典型."梁希森现象"在处理土地置换、民营产业资本与村庄建设结合的运作方式等方面做出了有益尝试,提出了民营企业推进社会主义新农村建设中地方政府如何定位问题以及如何保障农民土地权益等问题.     

Brothers’ Keepers?

Relying on rarely analyzed public opinion data from the 1930s and early 1940s, we take issue with the notion popular in contemporary liberal circles that the New Deal era represented a period of expansive commitment to the security and well-being of the poor and politically disenfranchised. At least where the public is concerned—as opposed to the progressive policy makers in the Roosevelt administration—the jobless were regarded with suspicion, immigrants should be forced to “go home,” women belong in the kitchen not on the shop floor. The harsher the economic conditions (by state), the more conservative were the public attitudes. Hence New Deal legislative victories accrued despite rather than because of public support.

The National-Bolshevik Party and Arctogaia: two neo-fascist groupuscules in the post-Soviet political space

Mathyl examines two representatives of the Russian groupuscular right-Arctogaia and the National-Bolskevik Party-and their emergence after the collapse of the Soviet system in 1991, in the context of the radicalization of Russian nationalism that took place during the inter-Russian power struggle of 1992-3. The ideological arsenal of these groups consists principally of a politico-historical reconciliation between western (neo-)fascism and authoritarian nationalist Russian and Soviet traditions, in which those traditions are intensified and synthesized into a new kind of 'national Bolshevism'. The success of neo-fascist groupuscules demonstrates how potentially explosive the fascist diagnosis of the status quo can behaving been preserved virtually intact since 1945-when it meets with a new situation of high political instability and is employed in intensive political propaganda, as was the case in post-perestroika Russia. Following the nationalists' military defeat in October 1993, the Russian groupuscular right attempted both to maintain the revolutionary impetus and, through a variety of cultural-political activities, to contribute to the gradual enlargement of the nationalist-imperialist project, thereby demonstrating its close connection to the New Right and its strategy of struggling for cultural hegemony. Since the end of the 1990s, there has been, within the groupuscular right, both an increasingly apparent ideological transfer from East to West, and evidence of the growing influence of national Bolshevism on western third-positionist groups.     

New Panthers,old Panthers and the politics of black nationalism in the United States

ABSTRACT

The New Black Panther Party for Self-Defense has been a cause du scandale since it was formed in the early 1990s. Indeed, the Anti-Defamation League has described it as ‘the largest organized anti-Semitic and racist black militant group in America’. It is somewhat surprising, then, that there has been very little detailed analysis of the party and its activities. Mulloy begins to fill this gap by outlining the origins and development of the party, and by closely examining the ongoing dispute between the New Black Panthers and surviving members of the original Black Panther Party—established by Huey Newton and Bobby Seale in Oakland, California in 1966—over the right to claim the name, the history and the legacy of the Panthers in the United States. Critically assessing the strategies and actions of the New Black Panthers, Mulloy argues that its high-profile, media-centred approach to political activism has largely been a failure with regard to its overall aim of reviving the Black Power movement in the United States.