抗争的动力:新媒体与缅甸的民主化

自从2007年以来,缅甸社会政治发生了很大变化,其中新媒体起了很关键的作用。在2007年"藏红花"革命和2008年纳吉斯风灾中,缅甸人民利用互联网、移动电话等新媒体技术向世界传递了政府镇压和掩盖的真相。缅甸军人政府也明显感到了新媒体技术对其统治的压力,因此在2010年缅甸大选之前,严格控制国内的互联网。新媒体技术的出现虽然没有导致缅甸社会权力结构发生实质性的变化,但是新媒体技术打破了原来军政府对信息的封锁,逐渐促进了缅甸的民主化进程。     

Taming Risks in Asia: The World Bank Group and New Mining Regimes

Abstract

Despite the admonishments of the 2003 Extractive Industry Review, the World Bank Group (WBG) has continued to promote the expansion of mining activities in resource-rich client-countries. While maintaining its mantra on the economic benefits of the sector in cash-strapped countries, in recent years poverty reduction and environmental sustainability have become the new buzzwords to justify the need for the WBG to remain actively involved in the sector. Building on the cases of the Philippines, Papua New Guinea and Lao PDR, this paper analyses this new socio-environmental narrative in conjunction with the highly political nature of the role played by the WBG in the mining sector of its country-clients. The cases demonstrate that the World Bank has played a key role in influencing a wave of new mining regimes in the region. Further, these new regimes, which comprise multilateral social and environmental safeguards, circumscribe the risks faced by industry, rather than by local populations. While successful in stimulating foreign investments in the sector, these regimes might prove ineffective in taming local and national resentment against mining activities. Crucially, the engineering of mining regimes and norm-settings in multilateral arenas raises concerns about the legitimacy of the transformations of roles and responsibilities assigned to local mining stakeholders and the possible subsequent contraction of local political spaces.     

Principal component analysis and analysis of variance on the effects of Entellan New on the Raman spectra of fibers

During the forensic examination of textile fibers, fibers are usually mounted on glass slides for visual inspection and identification under the microscope. One method that has the capability to accurately identify single textile fibers without subsequent demounting is Raman microspectroscopy. The effect of the mountant Entellan New on the Raman spectra of fibers was investigated to determine if it is suitable for fiber analysis. Raman spectra of synthetic fibers mounted in three different ways were collected and subjected to multivariate analysis. Principal component analysis score plots revealed that while spectra from different fiber classes formed distinct groups, fibers of the same class formed a single group regardless of the mounting method. The spectra of bare fibers and those mounted in Entellan New were found to be statistically indistinguishable by analysis of variance calculations. These results demonstrate that fibers mounted in Entellan New may be identified directly by Raman microspectroscopy without further sample preparation.     

Anti-racism,racism and asylum-seekers in France

Anti-racist movements in France have been characterized by their strong political orientation and their tendency to be highly centralized. However, in the past decade the increasing salience of the position of ‘new immigrants’, a term that in France is used to include asylum-seekers, has been accompanied by a shift in the form and content of anti-racist mobilization. Support for asylum-seekers has been provided by a multiplicity of specialist national and local organizations developing modes of solidarity that are more akin to welfare, social work or humanitarian aid than the more directly and overtly political interventions common among French anti-racists. At the same time local committees have developed in places of high tension, but at some distance from the political limelight of Paris. Lloyd examines some of these developments in the context of the crisis of provision for asylum-seekers in France. After setting out some basic information about asylum, undocumented migrants and the law in France she examines the political debate about ‘the new immigrants’ and racism. Comparing the relatively successful sans papiers movement of the 1990s with the difficulties of organizing among and with more isolated, transient and socially deprived asylum-seekers, she discusses the way in which this new set of issues has challenged the main anti-racist organizations and given rise to new actors and alliances.     

让祛魅的世界再着魅——上海团购网的案例

近些年,团购的出现改变了中国城市购物和消费形式的总体图景。越来越多的都市居民(以年轻白领为主)在网络媒体公司组织下,参加砍价师与供应商的集体砍价活动,获得比一般市场零售更优惠的价格和服务。基于实地研究和问卷调查,本文认为,团购是一种新的消费形式,但其内涵不同于西方消费者社会中流行的、意义消极的"新的消费形式"。赶集、集体砍价活动等显示出消费者参与、多方互动、个性化的特征,重新赋予"祛魅"的消费实践以魅力。团购不同于单位制下的集体主义,也有别于日本和法国的消费者运动,消费者更多的是在网络传媒等商业公司组织下"多快好省"地满足自身需求的相对弱者。团购中人际合作与信任的形成,对民间组织、公民互助合作、民间自治的积极推动,目前尚不明晰。理解和认识团购需要综合新的"消费的社会形式"的视角。     

整合性公共服务——当代西方国家公共服务提供的新模式

随着公共服务需求日趋复杂性,整合性公共服务成为当代西方国家公共服务提供的新模式。整合性公共服务以伙伴关系为基本工具,形成了八大创新性内容、以跨界性协同为基本提供结构和具有以公民为中心的协作性公共管理实践模式。借鉴整合性公共服务模式,可以提出推进我国整合性公共服务改革的"三化"对策:以信息化推动公共服务一体化、以城市化推动公共服务网络化和以社会化推动公共服务整体化。     

网络反腐:权力监督的新形式

当代中国以自下而上方式出现的网络反腐是前所未有的新生事物.这种公众通过网络以政治参与的形式对权力进行监督与制约的方式,提升了公众参与反腐败行动的积极性,被证明是有效的权力监督新形式.网络反腐的优势与缺陷同在.为此,应当构建网络反腐模式的制度支持;建立网络反腐模式的法律机制;培育公民社会及公民精神,促进网络反腐;运用网络推进民主政治建设,提高党的执政能力.     

从“就业难”与“用工荒”并发看劳动力资本管理

我国现已非常接近劳动力过剩向短缺转折的刘易斯拐点。目前就业难与用工荒并存,是因为劳动力结构与产业结构的不协调,人口结构变化,国内产业转移和区域经济兴起等原因;从劳动管理学角度分析,根本原因是城乡劳动力市场分割,劳动力资本市场的信息共享机制不健全,劳动力资本升值受限,用工要求苛刻,工资报酬偏低,农民工工作环境较差,忽视企业文化建设。需要社会、企业和员工共同努力,从根本上解决就业难与用工荒的并发。     

宪政理论范式转换及中国宪法学的回应

宪法学作为社会科学的分支,会随着时代的变化而转换研究范式。宪政理论研究范式大致经历了两种范式转换:近现代古典自由主义模式和当代新宪政主义模式。特定的语境和历史场境赋予了西方宪政概念及其理论自身的内在规定性与特定的理论定位和功能。宪政理论要想成为中国宪法学的理论,必须完成其概念和理论范式的转换。宪法秩序概念及理论涵盖了宪法运作现象的不同形态和不同层面,是对整个宪法运作现象和事实的全局性理论把握和综观性理性反映。它能够克服西方宪政理论的不足,体现中国宪法学对这种不足的回应,是宪政理论和概念范式转换的一种尝试。     

From Ted to Ed: Electing British Party Leaders

Since 1965, British political parties have radically, and repeatedly, changed the ways in which they choose their leaders. In this article, I explain how and why these changes occurred and assess the consequences of the ‘new’ selection procedures adopted by four ‘mainstream’ parties: Labour, the Conservatives, the Liberal Party and the Liberal Democrats. In the first section, following Sjoblom and Stark, I outline a theoretical framework which purports to explain the criteria used by parties in parliamentary systems when choosing their leaders. I then examine the four parties in turn and consider two questions. First, how and why has the process of selecting British party leaders changed over time; and secondly, to what extent, and why, have the ‘new’ selection procedures adopted since 1965 produced different outcomes, resulting in the election of leaders who would not have been chosen had the decision rested with their party's elites and/or MPs alone?