中国环境权理论的认识论研究

中国目前的各种环境权理论都没有达致认识主体间的理解、交往和商谈。二十世纪末期的环境权理论具有建构主义的倾向,二十一世纪初的环境权理论不仅具有现实主义的倾向,而且更为符合中国精英的“自然主义认识论”倾向。当下中国语境中主张“现实主义者的建构主义认识论”的理论家们试图在一个弱势的自然主义基础上个体性和群体性地建构中国环境权的公共话语。     

“法律”一词使用、翻译的话语实践——集中于19世纪初期在中国的西方传教士

基于法律的独特语境,“法律”概念的使用和翻译不可避免地是复杂的。在近现代随着各个民族国家交往的深入展开,这样复杂地使用和翻译的背后隐藏着许多“重要故事”。我们可以认为,法律的存在其本身就意味着纠纷的存在,纠纷不仅可能是个人的,而且可能是广义社会的或说民族国家的,后者在特定时期可能是更为重要的。在纠纷中,随着人们的利益、观念、立场或者态度的不同,这种不同同样又是不可避免的,“法律”概念的一般含义因而也会裹挟在利益、观念、立场或者态度中表达自己的“差异”。因此,应当揭示使用、翻译背后的话语实践。     

论教育学中关于“生活世界”的话语

“生活世界”作为中国当前教育学理论探讨中一个重要的价值取向已经在教育理论及实吓中导致了一系列的变革,将建立在主-客二分基础上的传统的师生之间的认知关系转变为以理解与对话为基础的主体性的我一你交往关系。这一转换直接带来了中小学日常教育活动的新面貌,如我一你式温馨评语的兴起与这一转换直接带来了中小学日常教育活动的新面貌,如我-你式温馨评语的兴起与推广,这是对马克思主义实践理论的深化和创造性转换,但是,在将“生活世界”这一西方概念用于中国本土语境中,也存在许多问题,主要是缺乏乡村的视角,忽视制度化教育对学生身体的规训,将“生活世界”概念与普通人的日常生活相混淆。     

浅谈公安新闻标题的拟制

标题是新闻的"眼睛".公安新闻标题的精彩与否直接关系到新闻内容的阅读率与收看(听)率.其基本要求是真实、准确、生动、新颖.拟制时要做到巧用词语,巧妙变换句式,巧妙运用修辞手法.     

语篇衔接之于诗歌主题的表达——对乔治·赫伯特诗作《美德》的文体学分析(英文)

George Herbert’s poem,"Virtue",conveys to us a theme that all material things in this world,however shiny they are on the outside,are flashy on the inside;only the spiritual sublime virtues that human beings possess remain fresh forever.Linguistically speaking,the discourse cohesion of this poem contributes to the expression of the theme of it.Based on the stylistic analysis,this paper argues that the expression of the poetic theme is realized through the overall layout of cohesion of this poem,manifested in rhyme scheme,lexicon,structure and logic.     

论强奸罪应当废除——基于后现代女性主义立场的一种观点

后现代女性主义将强奸视为一种"语言"。借由"话语塑造主体"这一机制,男性在有关强奸的立法与司法仪式中被塑造为身体上的压倒性体力占有者,女性则具有了"可被强奸"的属性。女性在男权社会中被客体化的事实在强奸罪这一罪名中得到进一步强化。后现代女性主义主张的话语转换策略提醒我们应当跳出既有法律框架来思考防治强奸的对策,即可以考虑在社会条件成熟的时候,取消"强奸罪"这一法律语言,达到改变女性弱势地位,约束男权的扩张,抑制强奸行为发生的目的。至此,女性以主体地位进入法律史,性别平等得到实现。     

费正清的两岸关系论述及其台湾效应

冷战时期,以费正清为代表的美国学术界以台湾作为研究中国的基地,而费正清也积极地介入两岸关系与台湾事务。费正清的＂大陆—台湾＂论述可以分为三个时期：早期的＂亲共＂,中期的＂反共＂,与后期的＂两岸共治＂。费正清多变的面孔反映了美国不同时期基于美国国家利益而做出的对中国两岸政策的调整,而台湾对费正清体系的反应则体现了冷战时期西方同盟内部中心与边缘地区的矛盾,以及两种不同政治体制、不同文化之间的冲突。     

Power relations? What power relations? The de-politicising conceptualisation of development of the UNDP

The UN′s Sustainable Development Goals agenda points far into 2030, which shows that its post-war development endeavour is not functioning effectively. This article implements a discourse analysis of the UN Development Programme′s (UNDP) Human Development Reports (HDR) and exposes their internal contradictions. This analysis enables a critical reflection on the UNDP′s political position: its reports conceal the political causes of underdevelopment. By concealing the antagonistic/conflictual dimension of social issues – poverty, inequality, and exclusion – the UNDP naturalises the actual neoliberal order. The HDR turns political problems into technical issues; according to this approach, no power relations have to be changed in order to overcome underdevelopment.     

Protecting people's livelihoods,restarting nuclear reactors: ‘risk recalibration’ in Prime Minister Noda's 8 June 2012 national address

Given popular concerns about nuclear accidents in the wake of the Fukushima disaster, the Japanese state shut down the last of its fifty-four reactors for inspections on 5 May 2012, the first time the country had been without nuclear energy since May 1970. However, on 8 June 2012, in a nationwide address, Prime Minister Noda Yoshihiko justified a resumption of nuclear power generation at the Oi nuclear plant in Oimachi, Fukui Prefecture. This article examines Noda's speech as an example of ‘risk recalibration’. The first section outlines the underlying theoretical assumptions, while the second section provides the context behind the speech. This involved the input of political, economic and social actors as they vied for policy influence. The third section then analyses the risk rationality used in the speech itself. The argument is that while the speech is an important example of risk rationality operating through discourse as a medium of power, the overall ‘recalibration’ runs contrary to what recent studies have shown in other areas. In short, it is held that the speech follows a more traditional paternalistic logic of centralized risk management rather than a neoliberal logic of ‘individual responsibility’.     

Refracted axis: Kitayama Jun'yū and writing a German Japan

The question of how individuals navigate a given regime is inevitably a delicate one, but one no less important because of its sensitivity. This article examines the case of one Kitayama Jun'yū – author of dozens of works during the 1930s and 1940s that purported to introduce Japan to a German audience – and his changing rhetorical strategies in presenting a Japan that would be acceptable to his readership. It employs an adapted notion of Bhabha's concept of ‘mimicry’ as a means to understand both developments internal to Kitayama's works as well as their changing reception. This framework recognizes that power dynamics played an influential role in cross-cultural exchange between the two countries; at the same time, it enables a depersonalized engagement with cultural politics that does not rest on identifying individual authorial political allegiances. Drawing on both Kitayama's writings and archival materials that reflect official and semi-private responses to his work, this article offers a closer look at how a particular Japanese intellectual negotiated Japan's place within the discursive space of the National Socialist regime.