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421.
422.
In this essay we propose an alternative approach to assessing the state of democracy in Indonesia. We focus not on institutional indicators (as is usually the case) but on manifestations of political discourses in the public sphere. In applying post-Marxist political theory through the work of Slavoj ?i?ek and Chantal Mouffe, we argue that democracy’s main defining feature is that it allows antagonistic discourses about alternative policies to coexist, yet still manages to coalesce around a minimal consensus on how these discursive conflicts are to be dealt with in a fair way. Applying this approach to democracy analysis to Indonesia, we suggest that the major obstacles to democratic practice do not emerge from institutional problems, but from an overbearing political discourse that imposes broad consensus and harmony on most political issues. Political discourse in Indonesia is generally structured around “Islam” and “the people.” These themes provide a basis for a political consensus that conceals economic and social contradictions and reveals considerable depoliticization in Indonesian democratic practice. 相似文献
423.
Katie Wright 《Journal of Australian Studies》2018,42(2):177-190
ABSTRACTThe damaging effects of abuse in childhood were repeatedly emphasised in public hearings and in media coverage of the Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse. Testimony from earlier Australian inquiries, which documented widespread experiences of child maltreatment, particularly in institutions, also underscored the ongoing and often intergenerational impact of abuse. Taking institutional child abuse inquiries as a case study, this article examines how psychological and therapeutic concepts have been mobilised politically. It argues that therapeutically oriented and psychologically informed cultural narratives of childhood trauma and its ongoing effects have provided a framework for making sense of long-term experiences of adversity and suffering and have enriched attention to “the question of justice” for survivors of historical institutional child abuse. 相似文献
424.
Aykut Öztürk 《中东研究》2018,54(3):459-474
One of the central characteristics of current Middle Eastern politics is the weakness of class-based political organizations. While structural explanations of this pattern abound, hegemonic struggles of Islamists to erode the class cleavage have so far been largely overlooked. In order to bring this perspective into the literature, this article studies discourses, affects and policies promoted by the Islamic trade unions confederation of Turkey, Hak-??. After the introduction, I first demonstrate that the identity of Hak-?? has consistently been based on a fantasy of social cohesion and aversion to class-based politics. Building on this, I detail how Hak-?? has developed new economic and political practices, in a deliberate effort to overcome class-based unionism. Finally, I argue that the role of Hak-?? has evolved into representing workers' interests within the framework of the corporatist regime built by pro-Islamic AKP government. 相似文献
425.
Hesham Suleiman Alyousef 《社会征候学》2016,26(5):486-504
Thematic progression patterning and the composition of information value facilitate the development of well-structured messages. The text-based research of systemic functional linguistics (SFL) into textual features has been confined to language learning and workplace contexts. Empirical research studies involving finance have investigated students’ performance in finance courses and the effects of class attendance on their performance. However, no published studies have yet explored or analysed the textual features of tertiary finance texts. This study investigated the Theme and information value in 6 group assignments in finance, written by 19 Master's students in accounting. Underpinned by Halliday's SFL and Kress and van Leeuwen's system of the composition of information value, this study employed a systemic functional multimodal discourse analysis (SF-MDA) of the texts. The SF-MDA revealed a high frequency of Theme reiteration patterns, the rare occurrence of a linear Theme pattern, and the minimal use of a multiple-Theme pattern. These findings have both theoretical and pedagogical implications for the teaching and learning of writing, particularly in the context of teaching English for business purposes. 相似文献
426.
Joe Bennett 《社会征候学》2016,26(3):250-264
ABSTRACTCritical theorists such as Slavoj ?i?ek have for some years discussed the ideological significance of cynical or “blank” irony in fairly general terms. Less attention has been paid to the practical implications of such irony for critical semiotic analysis. With this in mind, this paper discusses the problems that sexist and “classist” jokes – specifically jokes about “chavs” – pose for the critical analyst. On the one hand, they seem to be saying deeply ideological things. On the other, their ironic nature means that they evade the claim that they are really saying, asserting, meaning anything. Theirs is a kind of blank irony which can be identified in all kinds of contemporary semiotic practice and is therefore an important phenomenon for critical analysts to get to grips with. The paper attempts to get to grips with it by outlining some semiotic clues to blank irony, and, more importantly, by suggesting some ways in which we might try to bring a critical perspective to bear in cases of cynical irony. 相似文献
427.
吕进福 《山东行政学院学报》2005,(6):126-128
新闻真实与否、真实程度如何,不同事实有不同衡量标准。有些事实的报道,达到“客观真实”就实现了“新闻真实;”有些事实的报道,实现“客观真实”后还必须达到“本质真实”才能实现“新闻真实”。没有实现“客观真实”的报道是虚假新闻;应该、能够实现却没有实现“本质真实”的报道,是“半真实”或“假客观”的“伪真实”。 相似文献
428.
Leonhard Praeg 《Law and Critique》2008,19(2):193-223
From the theoretical perspective of René Girard, Walter Benjamin and Jacques Derrida the Rwanda genocide of 1994 may be interpreted
as an instance of foundational violence. Given the constant reference in the Rwanda genocide discourse to the failed revolution
of 1959, it is perhaps rather a case of deferred foundational violence. Useful as this notion of ‘foundational violence’ may be, as theoretical category it is also hugely
challenging because the implicit claim is not just historical (‘states are routinely founded on violence’) but analytical
(‘founding moments are per definition violent’). The result is a profound tension between, on the one hand, the need to understand
the event as somehow unexceptional or typical of the founding of new socio-political orders and, on the other hand, the need
to judge it as exceptional, an ‘outrage’, a crime against humanity. This paper treats the tension between the unexceptional
and exceptional as aporetic, that is, as a profound puzzle consisting of two equally valid imperatives which are nonetheless
mutually exclusive. It is also an attempt to find a way beyond the impasse.
相似文献
Leonhard PraegEmail: |
429.
无论是在实践层面,还是在理论层面,宽容意识与权利话语都存在着一定的关联性。然而,现代的权利话语强调的乃是"主客二元对立"的"主体性逻辑"以及受此逻辑支配的斗争逻辑,从而在一定程度上背离了宽容意识。因此,要想让权利话语重新与宽容意识保持内在的一致性,就不得不消解权利话语的"斗争逻辑",确立以宽容意识为核心的主体间性立场。 相似文献
430.
从文学的意义上讲,战后的抗日文学才是真正的抗日文学。前30年的抗日文学虽涌现出一批较优秀的文学作品,但整体发展并不尽如人意。新时期的抗日文学不仅完成了从“文学抗日”到“抗日文学”的历史性转变,也开创了中国抗日文学的新时代。变化得以实现的主要原因,在于文学走出了以民族的最高利益为单一立场的国家化叙事模式,也走出了战后30年以意识形态为主要立场的集体言说方式,开始了立足于民间视野和个人话语基础之上的抗日历史的文学重构与叙述。 相似文献