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451.
Reacting to an increase in gratuitous racist and sexist comments made by readers in response to online articles, media outlets in South Africa have begun closing down their comments sections, an action that has been repeated many times over across the globe. After a particularly abusive tirade against a young women who wrote an article about being black in Cape Town, Independent Media established an advisory panel in 2014 to investigate the nature of user-generated content (UGC) on their news site, Independent Online (IOL). One of the panel’s recommendations was that what is meant by “uncivil” discourse on online news sites be delineated more accurately and narrowly. Employing computer-mediated discourse analysis, we explore the nature of civility and incivility generated by readers of online news. We look at readers’ posts in response to race-based topics and uncover the complexities inherent in describing both (in)civility and deliberative discourse precisely. Our sample is drawn from the South African newspaper Mail & Guardian Online, one of the few national media establishments that permitted user comments during our data collection phase. 相似文献
452.
《北京周报(英文版)》2014,(48)
正The highlight of this year’s Group of 20(G20)Summit in Brisbane,Australia,was the formulation of a comprehensive growth strategy raising the collective GDP of all the 20 nations by 2 percent within five years.This is the first time that the G20 has set concrete goals for economic growth.In the time since the financial crisis,the global economy has grown at a slower pace than usual.Amid the influence of 相似文献
453.
454.
《International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity》2013,8(1):22-38
Abstract Whenever African literature is discussed there is an articulated incorrect assumption that this relates to all the regions of Africa, except North Africa. A related further assumption is that only men in North Africa write. Female writers from the North barely receive critical attention, although they have been writing creative works. The aim of this article is to dispel the notion of literary drought when describing North Africa. Using the text, Women writing Africa: The northern region, the article demonstrates the different sensibilities that female authors in North Africa have created and manifest, when writing against patriarchy as well as against ideological philistinism within their communities. It is argued that female authors from North Africa – African-Arab women – are versatile in their imaginations as they engage with social reality from the perspective of creative art as well as political discourse. The article concludes that this assertion removes the literary veil so that North African female authors can begin to be appreciated artistically, more than has been the situation up to now. 相似文献
455.
Grahame F. Thompson 《Economy and Society》2013,42(4):599-615
What is happening to economics and the economies? This paper provides some reflections on the current state of the discourse of economics and its relationship to changes in the economies to which that discourse is linked. The arguement is that the discourse of economics is in a fundamental state of flux, in both its conventional and its heterodox forms. The new analytical agendas thrown up by these changes are assessed and the ‘politics’ of their implications alluded to. 相似文献
456.
郑竹群 《福建警察学院学报》2013,(6):100-105
我省新建本科院校英文教育呈现知识量化衡量、教师人文素养不足以及缺乏经典学习的现状,从皮亚杰的建构主义理论和维果茨基的社会建构主义理论发展而来的言说观对上述问题的解决具有实际的意义。在英文教学与人文教育交融互构中,教师与学生互为主体的同时,围绕为何言说、由谁言说、言说什么、以言取效、如何言说等五个言说层次,进行人文意义上的教学实践活动,为探究英文教学与人文教育的交融互构提供一个可行的思路。 相似文献
457.
中国在奋力实现中华民族伟大复兴的同时,也为促进世界共同发展作出了重要贡献。然而,西方污名化中国的浪潮此起彼伏,并有愈演愈烈之势。污名化是社会舆论阴影下施污者出于特定目的、对特定个体或群体形象的负面建构。其中,施污者的框架建构是理解污名化过程的关键所在,受众的框架共鸣是评估污名化影响的基本指标,受污者的反框架是去污名化斗争的重要举措。西方对中国的"污名化",正是通过框定中国的"他者"意象及其对西方主导国际秩序的"威胁",架构种种涉华负面话语以煽动国际社会共同打压中国,进而建构一种"污名化中国"框架。这一框架虽缺乏可信度,但极大损害了中国国际形象,乃至危及中国核心利益。百年变局下,国际社会更加关注中国的一言一行,西方或将趁机加大污名化中国的力度。中国要做好进行长期去污名化斗争的准备,揭露西方污名化中国框架的狭隘性,推进中国话语和中国叙事体系建设,提升中国主体性框架的国际传播力。 相似文献
458.
中国共产党历经百年奋斗实践,意识形态话语权建构已成为一项系统工程伴随其发展的全过程。意识形态话语权作为意识形态建设中的一个子系统,对维护国家政权稳定、有效引导社会发展、正确规范个体行为具有重要的意义。值此建党百年之际,回顾总结中国共产党在成立、发展和建设过程中争夺、探索、提升、升华意识形态话语权的百年历史进程,能够获得宝贵的经验和深刻的启示。新时代,党的意识形态话语权建构要加强和完善党的意识形态话语主体的建设,拓展和丰富党的意识形态话语内容的广度,探索和创新党的意识形态话语载体的运用,以及实现对党的意识形态话语场域的净化。 相似文献
459.
单理扬 《浙江省政法管理干部学院学报》2020,34(5):77-85
隐喻语言是思维的载体,在公共话语中担任认知方式的表达媒介,是话语分析的重要考察对象。当前,多数聚焦隐喻的公共话语分析基于概念隐喻理论展开。相关研究从具身体验角度考察了公共话语中概念隐喻产生的心理过程,但未描写和解释语境中隐喻语言的表意网络创设。文章采用隐喻的复杂系统分析法,以英文报刊对金砖国家概念的隐喻构建为例,考察公共话语语境中隐喻语言的表意系统性。研究显示,隐喻语言在公共话语语境中自下而上形成系统隐喻、隐喻情节和隐喻叙事,三者环环相扣,受到话语目的、社会文化、语言语境及认知活动的交互施动。研究发现,隐喻的复杂系统分析法能有效捕捉语境中隐喻语言的协同表意,利于揭示公共话语中隐喻语言产生修辞论辩效果的复杂动因。 相似文献
460.
Mark Gilks 《Critical Studies on Terrorism》2020,13(1):24-46
ABSTRACTA growing body of evidence documents that Islamophobia is a significant social issue in the UK. This evidence also reveals an empirical link to “Islamist” terrorism, revealing a nexus between security and the social emergence of prejudice. Drawing on critical approaches to security and applying them to the case of the UK in 2017, this article explores this nexus conceptually and empirically. To do so, it examines the discourses of various governance institutions (including the media, the political elite, and security professionals) as they respond to “Islamist” terrorist events. It argues that these governance institutions individually and collectively – and often unwittingly – stigmatised and securitised “Muslim” identity. The structural emergence (i.e., the institutionalisation) of Islamophobia in the UK, this article contends, can largely be understood through these processes. This article therefore offers an illustration of some of the logics of how prejudice is embedded in societal structures, which has normative implications for how these processes might be successfully contested. 相似文献