试论省级都市报如何突破发展瓶颈——以《齐鲁晚报》为例

省级都市类报纸如何突破发展瓶颈成为业界最关注的实务问题之一。面临这样问题的《齐鲁晚报》大胆开拓地方市场,细分受众区域,＂下地方找空间＂,总部的成功经验不断复制到地方版中,扩大了品牌效应,增加了经济收益。地方版的开拓是当前突破发展瓶颈的精髓。     

公寓广告中意识形态渗透手段的多模态批评性话语分析

多模态话语普遍存在于广告语篇中，因此，对广告进行多模态话语分析显得十分必要。论文以ChinaDaily上的一则英文公寓广告为语料，对广告中的图片采用视觉语法的分析方法，对广告中的文字说明则以批评性话语分析的三维模式为出发点进行意识形态分析。该研究揭示了语篇生产者如何在特定的社会文化语境下运用各种符号对消费者进行情感、态度、观念上的控制，旨在增强受众对不同层面意识形态渗透手段的认识，提高受众批判性视觉阅读能力与语言阅读能力。     

浅论英语中的语篇衔接与连贯

在大学英语语篇分析中,衔接与连贯是很重要的因素。它影响着英语教学中的阅读,写作和翻译等各方面的问题。连贯是语篇的主要特征之一,衔接是实现语篇连贯的重要手段。本文从探讨衔接手段出发分析语篇的衔接与连贯。     

当下工会形象塑造的大众传播策略

在当下劳动关系、产权关系发生深刻变化的社会情态中,应通过对工会媒介和其他媒介的改造、创新与借用,建立舆论表达和舆论引导的良性机制来塑造工会新时期的公众形象,实现与工会维权工作目的之良性循环,以此逐渐增强工会对会员群体的凝聚力,提升工会在社会交往中的形象资本与话语权力。     

Double Lives, Double Narratives: Tracing the Story of the Family in Rousseau, the Swiss Civil Code and the Fathers’ Rights Debates

A recent parliamentary postulate in Switzerland calling for joint custody as the legal norm argues that fathers are discriminated against in Swiss divorce law. This postulate has incited a debate which circles around issues of equality, the role of fathers and mothers, and the good of the child. Our article, uniting approaches from literature, cultural studies, and science and technology studies, examines the arguments sparked by the debate with a view to different takes on gender and family. In doing so, it traces the roots of contemporary Swiss family law in the Rousseauian narrative of family life in Emile ou de l’education; it explores the manner in which scientific knowledge is marshaled to lend political legitimacy to current debate; and it asks finally how narrative bridges the gap between public discourse and lived experience.

The ASEAN Way as a symbol: an analysis of discourses on the ASEAN Norms

Has the ‘ASEAN Way’ – a set of rules of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) centered on the principle of non-interference and consensus decision-making – really established its position as an ASEAN norm? This paper aims to analyze the discourses of each ASEAN country and empirically explain their attitudes toward the norm. Specifically, I review various documentations to examine how various ASEAN diplomats have used the term ‘ASEAN Way.’ How did they come to call the principle of non-interference and consensus decision-making ‘ASEAN Way’ in the early 1990s? Why have they begun using the term negatively, as something to be reformed, in recent years? By describing the discourses on the ‘ASEAN Way’ and their changes over the years, I show that the rationality of non-interference and consensus decision-making has changed over time and shifted the positioning of the ‘ASEAN way’ as a symbol. This presents a new and empirical interpretation of the changes in ASEAN Norms.     

From a threatening “Muslim migrant” back to the conspiring “West:” race,religion, and nationhood on Russian television during Putin’s third presidency

This article analyzes official discourse of the nation during Vladimir Putin’s third presidency, as reflected in Russian television coverage of Islam and migration. It argues that the replacement of earlier deliberately ambiguous definitions of Russian nationhood with clearly framed exclusive visions reflects the change in the regime’s legitimation strategy from one based on economic performance to one based on its security record. In this context, the systematic promotion of Russian ethno-nationalism for the purpose of achieving the regime’s general stability began not at the time of Crimea’s annexation, as it is often assumed, but at the time of Putin’s re-election amidst public protests in 2012. The goal of representing the authorities as attentive to public grievances in a society where opinion polls register high levels of xenophobia has prompted state-controlled broadcasters to use ethnoracial definitions of the nation that they had previously avoided. The media campaigns analyzed here also reflect abrupt changes in the precise identity of Russia’s main Others. Such instrumentally adopted sharp discursive swings are unlikely to constitute an appropriate tool for societal consensus management and for the achievement of political stability in the long term.     

Learning and teaching to care for young people

“What is youth work, and what are the best ways to teach someone to be a high quality youth worker?” This is a thorny and contested question that many scholars (Emslie, 2013 Emslie, M. (2013). Toward a youth work profession. Child and Youth Services, 34, 125–138.[Taylor &; Francis Online] , [Google Scholar]; Fusco &; Baizerman, 2013 Fusco, D. &; Baizerman, M. (2013). Professionalization deconstructed: Implications for the field of youth work--guest editors' comments. Child and Youth Services, 34, 85–88.[Taylor &; Francis Online] , [Google Scholar]; Magnuson &; Baldwin, 2014 Magnuson, D. &; Baldwin, C. (2014). In defense of professionalism: A response to Fusco and Baizerman. Child and Youth Services, 35, 4–15.[Taylor &; Francis Online] , [Google Scholar]; Starr, Yohalem &; Gannett, 2009; Walker &; Larsen, 2012 Walker, K. &; Larsen, R. (2012). Youth worker reasoning about dilemmas encountered in practice: expert-novice differences. Journal of Youth Development, 7(1), 5–23. [Google Scholar]) and directors of higher education programs in youth work (VanderVen, 2015 VanderVen, K. (2015, March 24-25). Advancing child and youth work through professional preparation: Proceedings of the summit on higher education in child and youth work at the University of Pittsburgh. Milwaukee, WI: The Association for Child &; Youth Care Practice. Retrieved from: http://www.acycp.org/advancing-child-and-youth-work-through-professional-preparation [Google Scholar]) have been asking as youth work has emerged as a field of higher education study in the U.S. and other countries. Although there are many positions within the professionalization debate, most agree about the importance of better defining a knowledge base that describes youth work (Emslie, 2013 Emslie, M. (2013). Toward a youth work profession. Child and Youth Services, 34, 125–138.[Taylor &; Francis Online] , [Google Scholar]). This base includes defining both content knowledge and context-dependent practices. For instance, Walker &; Gran (2010 Walker, K. &; Gran, C. (2010). Beyond core competencies: Practitioner expertise as a critical component of quality. St. Paul, MN: University of Minnesota Extension Center for Youth Development. [Google Scholar]) distinguish between competencies, which are discrete skills and content knowledge, and competence, which is the practice of knowing how to apply multiple skills and knowledge in particular situations and contexts. She writes that competence, “... is the knack for doing youth work skillfully, gracefully; for doing the right thing at the right time...While most of us know it when we see it, as a field we don't have a very reliable way of identifying it, let alone intentionally producing it” (p. 3). In this article, I name and describe one youth work practice, caring for, towards developing reliable ways that youth work professionals can engage and develop competence in learning and teaching to care for young people.     

Multilateral donors and the security-development nexus: discourse and practice in conflict-affected states

This article assesses how the ‘security-development nexus’ has impacted multilateral aid to conflict-affected states; an area until now understudied. Using a mixed methods approach, we examine both the policy discourse and aid commitments of the major multilateral donors: the European Commission, the World Bank and the UNDP. We investigate the extent to which these donors fund the sectors identified within the policy discourse as crucial to ensuring peace and stability – democratisation and peace, conflict, and security activities – and examine the impact of ‘Western’ security concerns on multilateral aid in conflict-affected states. Our new data indicate that in contrast to policy discourse, post-conflict states receive no more multilateral funding for democracy–building than states which have not suffered from conflict and furthermore, that in the context of the security-development nexus, multilateral aid to conflict-affected states is influenced by the key transnational security concerns of Western states. These results point to a potentially dangerous gap between policy and actual aid commitments, ignore the long-term nature of development and weaken the impartiality of multilateral aid.