国际投资与环境保护的法律冲突与协调——以晚近区域性投资条约及相关案例为研究对象

经济一体化所带来的环境损害已成为国际社会关注的焦点问题之一。国际社会已开始尝试运用贸易投资条约防范贸易投资自由化带来的消极环境影响。以《北美自由贸易协定》为代表的国际投资法立法新模式,在其投资章节中规定了环境条款,试图兼顾投资自由和环境保护两种利益需求。虽然实践表明,该协定仍然没有有效协调投资与环境保护之间的关系,并在执行上出现了诸多法律冲突,但该协议所彰显的贸易投资自由化不得以牺牲环境为代价的立法理念和原则,可能会成为未来国际经济法中重要的理念和原则,将会对未来国际投资法和国际经济法的发展产生重大而深远的影响。     

9·11恐怖事件中的美国华人

震惊世界的“9·11”事件对美国华人社会而言,不仅是一次灾难,也是一次团结起来让美国人重新认识华人社会的机会。     

美国和日本刑事证据开示制度比较研究

美国和日本刑事证据开示制度证据开示制度在诉讼双方开示证据方面的义务、证据开示的范围、时间、地点及违反证据 开示规则的法律后果有许多区别,中国有必要借鉴美日等国家的证据开示立法,制定一个单行的证据开示规则,建立一个符合中国司 法实际,具有中国特色的证据开示制度。     

Uruguay’s long transitional decade and a new era of gendered activism

This article examines the nature and type of women’s activism before, during, and after Uruguay’s dictatorship, arguing that advocacy during the latter part of the country’s military rule paved the way for an increased role for women in society after democracy was restored. Focusing on the female-led movement to place the 1986 Ley de Caducidad (Law of Expiry or amnesty law) before a national referendum, it analyzes how women marshaled a gendered identity that had been effective in campaigning against the military. Through examining connections between earlier women’s movements and the 1980s, the article explores how challenging a key piece of legislation in the recently restored democratic environment ultimately forged a new era of activism for women in post-authoritarian Uruguay. The article ultimately rethinks the process of Uruguay’s transition, the continual negotiations over what is included in human rights discourse, and the importance of gendered activism in transitional societies.     

美国思想政治教育的社会化特色及启示

美国虽然没有思想政治教育的概念,但思想政治教育工作在美国得到了很大的重视而且卓有成效。思想政治教育的社会化是美国思想政治教育的一个重要特色,也是美国思想政治教育之所以能取得成效的一个重要原因。了解美国思想政治教育社会化的特色,并研究集中体现其社会化特色的美国社会性教育途径,对于加强和改进我国思想政治教育具有重要的启示和借鉴作用。     

朝鲜与国际体系的互动冲突——基于边缘化心理视角

边缘化国家正是在反体系运动与大国遏制的互动过程中建构了关于自我的边缘化心理身份,而这一身份反过来又激发了它们的反体系行为,于是冲突在对抗与缓和的不断转换中周而复始地上演。朝鲜作为国际体系中的边缘化国家,在与体系的长期互动过程中,正是在反体系运动的实践等主要因素影响下,建构了自我的边缘化心理身份,而这一身份又引发了朝鲜以发展核力量为主的持续的国家反体系运动,大国则通过遏制或战争威胁来应对朝鲜的边缘化行为,朝鲜半岛的安全困境正是基于这一互动逻辑而产生的。     

“海外汉学界孔孟思想”专题研究：路向与方法：北美汉学家论孔子说《诗》

英语学界对孔子文学思想的研究实属晚近之事,自上世纪70年代以来,在北美地区陆续出现了一些研究成果.这些研究大体沿着两个路向展开,一是探讨孔子的诗学观,二是论述孔子思维方式与其文学思想之间的关系.研究方法上涉及：聚焦实用与抒情两种质素、注重文本细读基础上的多时段考察、援用二重证据法、汲取西方文学理论,引入后现代主义视域.     

Circulación de modelos y centralidad de los códigos civiles en el derecho privado latinoamericano

This work presupposes the existence of a family of laws which can be situated in the extensive system of codified laws based on the Roman tradition, and within it a Latin American group, and seeks to organize the material within the context in which it has been produced, with the aim of achieving greater comprehension of the formation of the private law in Latin America, highlighting the models and influences used, the intervention of jurists and the significance it took on for the different societies, the characteristics of the mentioned process and the causes for its early or tardy consolidation.     

Low Intensity Democracies: Latin America in the Post-dictatorial Era

In the context of the Cold War and accompanied by the doctrines of National Security, authoritarian and often repressive military or civil-military regimes emerged in a number of Latin American countries. However, military regimes were not the only ones contributing to the formation of societies mutilated by fear and terror. During the last four decades, the continent became affected by a cycle of violence that involved various armed actors, from the armed forces to the guerrilla, from the paramilitaries to the narcotics-trafficking Mafia, or from the committees of self-defence to the 'common' criminals. This article focuses on the persistence of military influence and organised political violence more general in post-authoritarian and indeed post-Cold War Latin America. After briefly reviewing the historical legacy of so-called 'political armies' in the region as a whole, I offer an assessment of the consequences of this legacy for the current agenda of democratic consolidation in Latin America. Two possible scenarios are examined: that of fairly progressive democratisation and civilianisation of politics, and that of the re-emergence of violence despite the formal rule of democracy. In the latter scenario, de facto harsh and violent regimes collide with a growing array of rival perpetrators of political and other forms of organised violence.     

中共中央北方局与西北抗日民族统一战线的形成

日军侵华使中国国内矛盾发生了新的变化，中日民族矛盾逐步取代国内阶级矛盾而转化为中国社会的主要矛盾。1935年，中国共产党发出《八一宣言》，提出“兄弟阋于墙外御其侮”的抗日救亡主张。同年底，瓦窑堡会议确立了建立抗日民族统一战线的总方针和总策略。中共中央北方局遵照中央指示，迅速在华北以及西北、东北等地展开广泛而深入的抗日民族统一战线工作。其中，除中共中央直接与西北地区国民党党、政、军等各地方势力开展的抗日民族统一战线工作，北方局在全面抗战爆发前也与张学良东北军、杨虎城十七路军建立了抗日统一战线关系，对推动全国抗日民族统一战线工作发挥了重要作用。