排序方式: 共有107条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
91.
Graham GreenleafAuthor Vitae 《Computer Law & Security Report》2009,25(1):28-43
The APEC Privacy Framework was developed from 2003, adopted by APEC in 2004 and finalised in 2005. It was intended as a means of improving the standard of information privacy protection throughout the APEC countries of the Asia–Pacific, and of facilitating the trans-border flow of personal information between those countries. In 2007 a number of ‘Pathfinder’ projects for cross-border data transfers were launched under the Framework. In the five years since the process commenced, what has it achieved, and what is it likely to achieve? This paper argues that the APEC Privacy Framework has had many flaws from its inception, including Privacy Principles that are unnecessarily weak, and no meaningful enforcement requirements. Since its adoption in 2004, little attempt has been made to encourage its use as a minimal standard for privacy legislation in developing countries (which might have been useful), and it is having little impact on the significant number of legislative developments now taking place. 相似文献
92.
<Emphasis Type="Italic">Ples Bilong Mere</Emphasis>*: Law,Gender and Peace-Building in Solomon Islands 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0
Jennifer Corrin 《Feminist Legal Studies》2008,16(2):169-194
This article discusses women and peace-building in Solomon Islands and the effect of law, theory and practical circumstances
on their role. It looks at the place of Solomon Islands women in society historically, with particular reference to war and
peace. It then analyses their current status from a legal perspective, looking at the existing Constitution, the proposed
Federal Constitution, and relevant aspects of international law. It questions whether gender equity provisions are sufficient
to promote participation at a practical level. The article also disputes the effectiveness of various international, regional,
and local initiatives, designed to enhance the status of women. The article discusses the application of some of the theories
relating to women and peace-building to the circumstances of Solomon Islands. It concludes by looking to the future and discussing
means of consolidating women’s position, and increasing their involvement in leadership and decision-making.
相似文献
Jennifer CorrinEmail: |
93.
南太平洋群岛在中国统一战略、发展战略中占有重要的位置。自19世纪中叶开始便有华人定居在南太平洋群岛,形成小型华商中心。至今,华人足迹遍布南太平洋岛国,而且不断有新的华人移民涌入。本文从华人移民史、社会经济状况、华社、华文教育、政治参与等几个方面论述南太平洋岛国华侨华人的概况。 相似文献
94.
The role of the Asia Pacific Partnership in discursive contestation of the international climate regime 总被引:3,自引:3,他引:0
Jeffrey McGee Ros Taplin 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2009,9(3):213-238
After withdrawing from the Kyoto Protocol, the US Bush Administration and the Australian Howard Government pursued an international climate change policy focussed on voluntary international agreements outside the UN climate negotiations. This strategy included the formation of several climate agreements directed at technology development, including the 2005 Asia Pacific Partnership on Clean Development and Climate (APP). The APP provides a model for international climate change policy directed at voluntary national greenhouse gas intensity targets, technology development through sectoral public–private partnerships and technology diffusion through trade. This article situates the APP within these US and Australian inspired climate agreements formed outside the UN negotiations. Bäckstrand and Lövbrand’s (in M. Pettenger (ed.) The social construction of climate change: power knowledge norms discourses, 2007) discourse analysis in relation to the international climate negotiations is used to explore differences between the APP and UN climate treaties. We find the APP embodies a discourse of what we call ‘deregulatory ecological modernisation’ that promotes limited public funding to ease informational failures in markets for cleaner technologies and management practices. The deregulatory ecological modernisation discourse is a deeply intensive market liberal approach to international climate change policy, which contests binding emission reduction targets and the development of a global carbon market. The USA, Australia, Japan and Canada represented a core group of countries that used the APP to promote the deregulatory ecological modernisation discourse and thereby contest any deepening of developed nations' emission reduction targets for the post-2012 period. However, with changes of leadership and new parties in power in the USA and Australia, it appears that the deregulatory ecological modernisation discourse has lost ground compared to a reengagement with discourses supportive of developed country emission reduction targets and equity-based adaptation and technology transfer assistance for developing nations. 相似文献
95.
区域安全竞争中的东亚区域主义——基于对欧洲/北美区域主义的比较分析 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
区域主义的启动和深化受区域内外安全环境的影响。欧洲区域主义的启动和深化与其内外安全环境之间呈正相关关系,因而它得以历经冷战而不衰,并在冷战后进一步强化。比较而言,北美区域主义的深化与其内外安全环境总体上都是负相关关系,因而北美区域主义至今基本上仍仅限于经济领域。与北美区域主义类似,东亚区域主义的深化与东亚区域内外安全环境也基本上是负相关关系,但不同的是,由于东亚区域的内部安全环境是竞争性的,因此东亚区域的共同体感觉虽然呈日益强化之势,但总体上说是脆弱的。东亚区域主义的深化不仅受区域内部安全竞争的挑战,还受到区域外部的竞争性安全环境———区域间大国和全球大国安全竞争———的制约。 相似文献
96.
Steven Ratuva 《圆桌》2017,106(2):165-173
AbstractThe election of Donald Trump as the next president of the US has caused much international consternation and anxiety. Reactions have been based on distrust and rejection of Trump’s political ideology, behavioural disposition and unpredictable policy positions. His campaign speeches were filled with provocative utterances which were racist, sexist, homophobic, anti-environment and self-centred. This article examines some possible impacts of Trump’s presidency on the Pacific island countries (PICs). The first issue refers to how Trump’s proposed isolationist and militarisation policies may affect regional geopolitics. The two policies tend to contradict each other because while isolationism means pulling back on US economic and strategic presence in the Pacific, a reversal of the pivot to Asia-Pacific policy, militarisation implies greater strategic reach, regionally and globally. What does this seemingly contradictory approach mean for the PICs? Second, the article looks at the impact of Trump’s climate change denial stance and the responses by PICs, given the fact that climate change is the single most significant foreign policy and development initiative of the PICs since their independence. The third issue deals with the potential impact of Trump’s restrictive migration policies on remittance flow to the PICs and how these affect the small island economies and well-being. 相似文献
97.
Nelson Oppong 《英联邦与比较政治学杂志》2016,54(1):23-45
The question of institutional reform in small island developing states (SIDS) has so far attracted two general perspectives. The predominant approach prescribes neo-Weberian principles such as de-politicisation, neutrality, ‘professionalism', continuity and anonymity, and rational-bureaucratic structures. Critics highlight contextual specificities and maintain that Weberian principles are not plausible amid key constraints in SIDS including low human and logistical capacity, pervasive inter-personal and cross-cutting relations, and difficulty in attaining anonymity in public affairs. This debate remains largely intuitive, without the requisite empirical insights about the peculiar institutional trajectories and incentive structures driving change and continuity within SIDS. This paper provides a critical examination of the enduring quagmire of institutional development in SIDS based on a comprehensive account of the experience of Tuvalu. 相似文献
98.
Histological Changes in the Thyroid Gland in Cases of Infant and Early Childhood Asphyxia—A Preliminary Study 下载免费PDF全文
A retrospective blinded study of thyroid gland histology was undertaken in 50 infants and young children aged from 1 to 24 months. Deaths were due to (i) suffocation (N = 7), hanging (4), wedging (3), and chest and/or neck compression (4), and (ii) SIDS (20), noncervical trauma (7), organic disease, (4) and drug toxicity (1). In the asphyxia group (N = 18), thyroid gland congestion ranged from 0 to 3+ with 39% of cases (7/18) having moderate/marked congestion. In three cases, focal aggregates of red blood cells (blood islands) were observed within the intrafollicular colloid. These deaths involved chest compression, chest and/or neck compression, and crush asphyxia in a vehicle accident, and all had facial petechiae. Only 22% of the 32 control cases (7/32) had moderate/marked congestion with no blood islands being identified (p < 0.05). Blood islands within the thyroid gland may be caused by congestion associated with crushing or compression and may provide supportive evidence for this diagnosis. 相似文献
99.
James Johnson 《The Pacific Review》2017,30(3):271-288
Washington has become increasingly concerned that Beijing's anti-access area-denial (A2-AD) capabilities will put at risk US military assets and forward forces operating in the Western Pacific region, enabling China to deter, delay and deny US intervention in future regional conflict and crisis. US defence analysts in their assessments have frequently, and often erroneously, conflated a Chinese operational capability with an underlying strategic intention that conceptualises the United States as its primary (if not sole) target. The central argument this article proffers is that US perceptions of A2-AD have been framed by specific analytical baselines that have overlooked the evolution of Chinese operational and doctrinal preferences, and over-reliant upon military material-based assessments to determine Beijing's strategic intentions, and formulate US military countervails. The article concludes that the strategic ambiguities and opacity associated with Chinese A2-AD capabilities and its ‘active defence’ concept reinforced Washington's reliance upon capacity-based assessments that in turn, exacerbated misperceptions confounded by cognitive bias of Chinese strategic intentions. The critical framing assumptions of this article draw heavily upon the ideas and rationale associated with the international relations ‘Security Dilemma’ concept. 相似文献
100.
Gabriela Kennedy 《Computer Law & Security Report》2018,34(2):423-432
This column provides a country-by-country analysis of the latest legal developments, cases and issues relevant to the IT, media and telecommunications industries in key jurisdictions across the Asia Pacific region. The articles appearing in this column are intended to serve as ‘alerts’ and are not submitted as detailed analyses of cases or legal developments. 相似文献