从人民民主专政的国体看我国对人权的保障

人民民主专政是对人民实行民主 ,对敌人实行专政 ,是民主制度和专政制度的结合 ,是民主和专政的有机统一。人民民主专政要求国家的一切权力属于人民 ,人民是社会的主人、国家的主人翁 ,享有充分的民主权利 ,享有完全的人权。人民民主专政 ,真正体现了人民当家作主的精神 ,是人民行使各种权利的根本保证 ,是保障人民群众人权的全新的国家机器。只有人民民主专政 ,人民的人权才能得以真正的实现。     

Why some countries are immune from the resource curse: The role of economic norms

The political resource curse – the detrimental effect of natural resource dependence on democracy – is a well-established correlate of authoritarianism. A long-standing puzzle, however, is why some countries seem to be immune from it. We address this issue systematically by distinguishing two kinds of economies: contract-intensive, where individuals normally obtain their incomes in the marketplace; and clientelist, where individuals normally obtain their incomes in groups that compete over state rents. We theorize that the institutionalized patronage opportunities in clientelist economies are an important precondition for the resource curse, and that nations with contract-intensive economies are immune from it. Analysis of 150 countries from 1973 to 2000 yields robust support for this view. By introducing clientelist economy as a prerequisite for the resource curse, this study offers an important advance in understanding how nations democratize.     

民主的倒退与民主的尴尬：泰国政变的合法性分析

2006年9月,泰国军队发动政变推翻了他信看守内阁,接管了国家权力。这次政变的爆发,与他信政府在利益、道德等方面发生一定程度的合法性危机有关,也与泰国民主发展不完善,即民主的尴尬有关。军事政变一方面作为结束遭遇合法性问题的统治者的手段具有一定的合理性,但另一方面它严重影响了泰国的民主化进程。完善的民主制度是解决政治纷争的有效方法,只有它才能为政治体系提供长久的合法性基础。     

可行能力视角中的自由与自由视角下的发展———阿马蒂亚.森的自由发展观及其启示

阿马蒂亚·森认为,自由是一个人做自己认为有价值的事的可行能力,扩展自由既是发展的首要目标,也是实现发展的重要手段。这一以＂自由＂为核心的发展观无疑是人类发展理论的一次历史性变革,为我们实现科学发展提供了一种可能参照,具有重要的启示意义。这种启示意义在于：第一,发展必须坚持＂以人为本＂的基本原则;第二,发展必须推进政治体制改革,完善社会主义民主制度;第三,发展必须合理配置公共资源,提高民众参与经济和社会活动的可行能力。     

协商民主理念下加拿大公众参与环境法律实施的路径选择及对我国的启示

协商民主相对于参与民主而言,通过理性的协商对话消除冲突等不和谐因素,实现公共利益,更强调参与的深度。加拿大特有的国情为协商民主的实现提供了良好的氛围,公众参与环境法律实施是其环境法制革新的民主化方向,公众以政府与公民社会新型关系的参与路径确保协商主体的平等性;公众以环保专业知识、传统生态知识参与路径促进理性协商;公众以环保社团参与路径为主确保协商的团体优势;公众的全方位救济途径确保协商民主的有效性。当前我国在协商民主大环境下,公众参与环境法律实施路径应该变"被动参与"为"主动实施";变"松散参与"为"社团参与";变"无为参与"为"专业参与";变"单一救济"为"多元救济",从而实现积极、有序和有效的公众参与环境法律实施。     

Government effectiveness and support for democracy

Diffuse support for democracy, as captured in mass surveys, tends to be treated as impervious to regime performance. Such a finding is often presented as confirmation of the basic distinction between ‘diffuse’ and ‘specific’ support as proposed by David Easton. This study argues that this line of argument stems from an incomplete reading of important aspects of Easton's theorisation about the relationship between system outputs and diffuse support. Using multilevel models, evidence from more than 100 surveys in close to 80 countries, and different measures of democratic support, it is shown that government effectiveness is the strongest macro‐level predictor of such support. In democratic regimes, government effectiveness, understood as the quality of policy‐making formulation and implementation, is linked to higher levels of support for democracy. Furthermore, in non‐democracies, effectiveness and support for democracy are, under some model specifications, negatively related.     

加尔文:西方权利变革的起点

加尔文重构了基督教教义,以良心自由和两个国度理论为西方权利理念的神学基础。以良心自由为其中核心,首先要求宗教自由,而取得宗教自由则至少需要保障人不受迫害和暴政的威胁,促使加尔文主义者发展出反抗权利理论。从良心道德律出发,加尔文主义者发展出主观权利和自然权利理论并且极大扩展了这些权利的种类和适用范围。从加尔文教会实践里,为之后共和宪政理论确立了民主、自由、法治三大基石。加尔文通过自己的实践为权利变革奠定了基础。     

解放政治、民主政治与民生政治:中国共产党探索政治民主化发展道路的实践图谱

中国的政治民主化道路,是具有民主共性又有鲜明特性的新型民主政治发展道路。从追求国家独立和民族解放的革命战争年代,到建立国家政权和推进民主改革的和平年代,再到促进改革成果共享和基本公共服务均等化发展的新时期,中国共产党在探索政治民主化道路上逐渐总结发展出自己的实践哲学,走出了一条从解放政治到民主政治,再到民生政治的中国特色的政治民主化发展道路。     

提升大学生党员的教育培训水平

大学生党员教育培训作为新形势下党建工作的重要组成部分,必须与时俱进、凸显价值功能。当前,大学生党员教育培训工作仍然存在一些问题和不足,如缺乏长效机制、内容和形式创新不够等。为此,高校要树立可持续发展的教育培训理念,突出教育培训的科学性、创新性、民主性和参与性,建立有效的评价和协同创新机制,切实提升大学生党员的教育培训水平。     

Putting Electronic Voting under the Microscope

Electronic voting entered the political arena some years ago, with some countries advocating its use, some countries trialling and then abandoning it and yet others preferring to preserve the status quo of paper‐and‐pencil voting within a voting booth. In this paper we present the pros and cons of electronic voting and propose a set of characteristics we think electronic voting systems should exhibit. We then briefly review some pertinent concerns, issues and worries. We conclude by introducing the Handivote system, an electronic voting system that supports voting by means of SMS messaging, and explain how it measures up in terms of our own specified characteristics.