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21.
纵向限制竞争协议主要影响同一品牌内部的竞争,因而对纵向限制竞争协议,主要应看一方当事人的市场力量如何,以及对竞争者的排斥效果如何。由于纵向限制竞争协议积极效果更加突出,因而不像横向限制竞争协议那样受到严格的控制,本身违法规则适用范围有限,除了转售价格维持与绝对的地域保护以外,对其他纵向限制竞争协议均应适用合理规则进行分析。  相似文献   
22.
邓小平党政关系思想是建立在对政党政治和以党治国的深刻体会和把握的基础上的.邓小平早在抗日战争时期就率先提出反对以党治国和正确处理党政关系的重要思想.建国后,邓小平针对因种种复杂的历史原因,以党治国的作风在党内逐渐盛行起来,逐步形成党的"一元化"领导体制的现象,对如何正确处理党政关系,进行了长时间的深入思考,提出了一系列重要思想.今天,我们正在改革和完善党的领导方式和执政方式,即用新型的党政关系逐步取代传统的党政关系,实现党政关系合理化,进一步丰富和发展邓小平关于党政关系的思想.  相似文献   
23.
This article explains political radicalism by the number of voters who are biased towards a party. With little voters biased in favor of a party, this party has to rely more heavily on its programmatic distance to other parties. Because large parties – i.e.: parties with a high number of biased voters – gain votes when they move to the center of the political spectrum, parties with a lower number of voters that are biased in their favor are forced to the edges of the policy space. We draw on a computational model of political competition between four parties in a two‐dimensional policy space to investigate this relationship. We use panel corrected OLS estimates to analyze the data generated by the computer simulation. Our results substantiate the hypothesis of a negative relationship between the number of biased voters and the inclination of a party to adopt a more extreme policy stance.  相似文献   
24.
This article examines whether spending decisions in Swiss cantons are interdependent, that is, whether the spending decisions of a canton are influenced by those of other cantons. Theoretically, fiscal policy imitation among cantons can be interpreted as a process of policy and innovation diffusion, as a result of tax competition or as a consequence of federalism as a policy laboratory. The panel analysis presented in this article provides evidence of the existence of budget spillovers among neighbouring cantons. Cantonal governments do not take spending decisions in isolation, but by systematically comparing the fiscal policies in neighbouring cantons.  相似文献   
25.
加强党的执政能力建设,是一项重要而紧迫的任务。新形势下党的执政能力建设,是一项包括五种基本能力在内的系统工程。搞好执政能力建设,必须与党的思想、组织、作风、制度建设紧密结合,必须深入探索党执政的基本规律。  相似文献   
26.
The issue of the impact of tax competition between the cantons has been quite present in the public discussion, especially in relation with the reform of the Swiss system of financial equalization. The connection between the degree of direct democratic rights and the intensity of tax competition ana‐lysed by Feld (1997) seems to be particularly interesting for political science. Differently to the approach of Feld (1997) this research note examines it with regard to the tax policies in the cantons. In addition, a less criticized way to measure the institutions of direct democracy is used and the research period is extended. The analysis shows that there is a trade‐off between the exit‐ and the voice‐option. In other words: those cantons that have well developed direct democratic institutions, are less affected by the pressure of tax competition. As a consequence of the perceived influence, their citizens do less probably move to an other canton as a reaction to a heavy tax burden.  相似文献   
27.
陈云十分重视党的建设。在改革开放和现代化建设的新时期,他深刻分析我党建设的现状和存在的问题,总结历史和现实的经验教训,在思想建设、组织建设、作风建设和政治生活上提出了一些真知灼见,对我党的建设和发展以及我国社会主义现代化建设作出了贡献。  相似文献   
28.
论资本运营中的信用基础   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
基于主观上的诚实和客观上对承诺的兑现而产生的信赖和好评之信用 ,是当前资本运营活动的基础。作为一种经济活动 ,资本运营有其自身的特性 ,而我国企业信用低、资本运营行为盲目 ,以及资本市场发育不成熟、立法缺陷 ,加上政府的不当干预等因素 ,特别是企业资本信用、企业行为信用和社会环境信用的不足 ,都影响了资本运营的正常发展。增加信用立法、重构企业信用、完善政府信用、加强司法信用是保障资本运营的前提条件。  相似文献   
29.
“新经济”体现了人力资本的主导地位,其发展的速度加快,新的方式方法和新的理念不断涌现,深刻改变传统企业的内涵、管理模式、竞争行为。人才是企业创造价值的核心,人力资源的竞争成为企业竞争的关键资源,“新经济”加剧了对人力资源的争夺。正确认识和处理人才问题,我们在人才观上有许多误区需要打破,树立对人才的认识、培养、使用和激励的全新的人才观,是建立有利于人才脱颖而出的人力资源管理体制的前提。  相似文献   
30.
Along with a number of other researchers, Patrick Seyd and Paul Whiteley have consistently argued that constituency campaigning in Britain influences constituency election outcomes. In recent work, however, they have denied that the major efforts made by the Labour Party’s national headquarters to target resources and expertise into key seats in the 1997 general election was effective and that, as a consequence, the party had better results in these seats than elsewhere. Using various measures of campaign intensity, however, it is clear that target constituencies did have significantly stronger Labour campaigns than comparable constituencies that were not nationally targeted. Multivariate analysis also suggests that Labour’s performance in targeted seats was better than in comparable seats.  相似文献   
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