国家、政党、社会三者关系视域中的中国共产党执政方式探究

新中国成立以来,中国共产党对中国国家权力的执掌方式经历了众多变化,从国家、政党、社会三者关系的角度分析党的执政方式,可以把中国共产党执政方式的变迁划分为两个重要阶段:新中国成立到改革开放、改革开放以后。面对新的国内外形势,从国家、政党、社会三者"应然"与"实然"关系逻辑看,中国共产党仍须继续调整执政方式,在"科学执政、民主执政、依法执政"的轨道上不断探索。     

论执政党运行机制创新与党的执政能力提高

执政党在执政过程中,对外要处理好执政党与国家政权机构的关系,对内要处理好党内各级组织之间及与党员之间的关系,这些对内、对外运行机制,即执政党运行机制。执政党运行机制是执政能力的实现形式和实践依托,是执政能力在实践中的具体体现。执政党运行机制创新是提升党的执政能力的重要途径。     

论当前农村部分基层党组织的不适应性与加强建设的紧迫性

党的基层组织是党执政的重要基础 ,十四届四中全会以来 ,农村基层党组织建设取得了显著成绩 ,但还存在不适应性的问题。在新的历史条件下 ,必须加强农村基层党组织的建设 ,以适应新形势发展变化     

Charismatic female leadership and gender: Pia Kjærsgaard and the Danish People's Party

ABSTRACT

Research on the leaderships and electorates of populist right-wing parties emphasizes that most of these parties are charismatic and male-dominated, both as regards their leaderships and their voters. However, while studies about the gender gap focus mainly on demand-side factors, such as electoral support, socio-economic characteristics and the voters’ attitudes towards issues such as immigration, those that analyse the role and position of gender issues are still rare. Similarly, or even more, overlooked is an analysis of the rhetoric, style, charisma and discourse of populist female leaders, such as those representative of two now well-established Scandinavian populist right-wing parties: the Dansk Folkeparti (DF, Danish People’s Party) and Norway’s Fremskrittspartiet (FrP, Progress Party). Both parties have long been led by women although Pia Kjærsgaard of the DF recently stepped down, leaving the party leadership to Kristian Thulesen Dahl, a man of the younger generation of party members; Siv Jensen in Norway smoothly followed the long-term and charismatic leadership of Carl I. Hagen in 2006. The main focus of the paper, however, is on Pia Kjærsgaard, discussing the role gender plays in relation to her style, rhetoric and/or discursive strategies, but also in the gendered constructions featured in the Danish mainstream media. In the article, Meret also refers to the case of Marine Le Pen and the Front national (FN) in order to consider whether the Nordic cases represent a specific framework for female leadership, highly influenced by context and opportunity.     

Zambia: The First Fifty Years

As Zambia completes 50 years of independence from British rule, an assessment of the present state of the country is topical. This article argues that, for all the setbacks that Zambia has suffered over the past half century, substantial progress has been made in a number of areas and that the Zambian people have maximised the opportunities that this progress has generated.     

新时期构建党的纪律教育平台的理论与实践思考

构建党的纪律教育平台,加强纪律教育,是落实党要管党、从严治党的必然要求,是加强党的纪律建设的迫切需要,是做好新时期干部教育培训工作的现实需要。新形势下构建党的纪律教育权威平台,就是要在把握和尊重干部成长规律和干部教育培训规律的基础上,进一步整合资源、突出重点、创新方法、健全机制,提高党的纪律教育的科学化、制度化、规范化水平,不断夯实党员干部廉洁从政的思想基础、筑牢拒腐防变的思想道德防线,切实解决党员干部"不想腐"的问题。     

“红色管家”何以管用?——基层治理创新“内卷化”的破解之道

【问题】基层治理创新实践常常陷入命名式、标签式伪创新,不仅无法实现“给社区减负增能提效”的目标,反而造成基层治理的低水平重复。在各类创新琳琅满目的情况下,如何才能使基层治理创新更具持续性,并且规避“内卷化”风险?【方法】本研究以S区“红色管家”项目为个案,该项目初期面临多方面的内卷化风险,但最终通过创新走出一套有效的社区治理之道。我们通过参与式观察和深度访谈等方法跟踪了“红色管家”项目的运作过程并结合多种定性资料进行分析。【发现】(1)如同诸多政府主导的基层治理创新项目一样,“红色管家”在项目初期也面临观念、利益以及组织等多方面的“内卷化”风险;(2)项目实施过程中逐步呈现出的实体化、制度化、专业化和协同化的特征,保障了“红色管家”项目创新发展的整体性、系统性、规范性和可持续性;(3)能否规避基层治理创新的“内卷化”风险,根本在于基层党组织力量能否成功嵌入项目全过程,发挥引领创新的核心主导作用;(4)党建引领下多方创新主体的协同、合作与调试,观念、制度与技术的融合,构成了制度创新能否突破“内卷化”困境的关键。【贡献】本研究梳理了基层治理创新“内卷化”问题的表征和成因。通过对“红色管家”项目案例的分析,本研究阐释了“党建引领社会治理创新”的内在机制,指出破解基层治理创新“内卷化”困境的关键在于新合作主义国家与社会关系的建构。     

大学内部治理结构改革与党风廉政建设

深化内部治理结构、加强党风廉政建设,既是中国特色现代大学制度的核心内容,也是全面推进高校综合改革的重要保障。高校腐败现象发生的根源在于权力配置和责任不清晰、权力约束机制不健全、权力监督问责弱化等问题。制定和实施大学章程,推动大学治理现代化,从源头上规范、制衡、监督权力,从根本上促进高校党风廉政建设,这也是中国特色现代大学走向成熟的标志和必然选择。     

From voter ID to party ID: How political parties affect perceptions of election fraud in the U.S.

This paper uses a survey experiment to assess what individuals understand about election fraud and under what circumstances they see it as a problem. I argue that political parties are central to answering both these questions. Results from the 2011 CCES survey suggest respondents are able to differentiate between the relative incentives of Democrats and Republicans where fraud tactics are concerned, but whether voters see these tactics as problematic is heavily influenced by partisan bias. The results show little support for the notion that partisan ideology drives fraud assessments, and suggest support for the idea that individual concerns for fraud are shaped a desire for their preferred candidate to win. These results offer insights that might be applied more broadly to questions of perceptions of electoral integrity and procedural fairness in democracies.     

Parliamentary and presidential elections in Mongolia, 2012 and 2013

The 2012 Mongolian parliamentary election was historical as a new mixed-member majoritarian system was implemented. Compared with 2008, or even 2004, the 2012 election outcome indicates an at least tentative disruption of the bipolarisation of electoral politics in Mongolia. However, unlike in the past when the fragmentation of the party system was caused by the parties of the so-called “democratic camp”, the latest split occurred within the so-called “post-communist camp”. The presidential election took place on 26 June 2013. Tsakhiagiin Elbegdorj of the Democratic Party was elected president and for the first time since the democratic transition of 1990, most executive and legislative powers shifted to the Democratic Party.