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81.
The fact that the extensive anti-corruption struggle that has consumed China since 2013 is highly political is widely accepted and understood. But the question is precisely what political strategy it is directed at – that of bolstering the position of the current supreme leader, Xi Jinping. Or for the preservation of the Party itself. There is a huge difference between these. The first simply means in effect the replacement of one corruptible elite by another. The second means a titanic struggle to change the Chinese communist party culture of power, and to make it enduring and sustainable.  相似文献   
82.
明治维新后,伴随着近代学校教育制度的诞生,日本的社会教育也应运而生。本研究不仅考证了社会教育在日本的由来,确认了社会教育乃日本明治以后出现的特有的教育形态;并从教化型、民主型、终身型等三方面厘清了日本不同历史时期学者对社会教育的多元界定;而且对日本的社会教育和社会事业、社会政策、国家教育、国民教育、家庭教育、学校教育、终身教育、终身学习、成人教育、社区教育等相关概念的区别与联系进行了辨析。在此基础上,归纳了日本社会教育概念的五个特征,即丰富多样性、暧昧模糊性、服务主体性、法律健全性、实践追求性等。  相似文献   
83.
密切联系群众,善于开展群众工作,是我们党的优良传统和优势所在。为了实现党的十八大确定的宏伟目标,必须紧紧依靠广大人民群众,努力提高做好新形势下群众工作的能力。  相似文献   
84.
Why has loyalty to the Kim Family Regime and the Worker’s Party diminished over the past twenty years despite a rise in the average standard of living, greater social mobility, and a regime policy of benign neglect towards marketization? Unthinkable in the Kim Il Sung era, the increase in expressions of resentment toward the North Korean authorities represents a shift in the ideology, behavior, and motivation of the population. Four critical factors have heightened tensions between state and society in North Korea, leading to a reduction in loyalty among the general population. The author considers the impact of labor mobilizations, the declining importance of party membership, the influence of foreign media, and the rise of rent seeking and extractive policies. While all play a role, it is important and possible to identify the primary cause. Extractive policies and rent-seeking position the regime and the people in a directly adversarial relationship. All tiers and agencies of the government have become complicit in efforts to siphon off profits, control market actors through crony capitalism, rent seek, over-regulate, and compete against private market actors, causing the residents to express frustration and resentment towards a government that does not have their interests at heart.  相似文献   
85.
什么是民政,民政有没有理论,如果民政有理论,同哪些学科、理论关系最为密切,民政工作是不是只是国家、政府民政职能部门的事等等,对于这些问题目前学界似乎还没有引起足够的重视,展开认真的研究,给出具有共识性的回答。本文拟从民政与人政、民政与政府、民政与民本、民政与民权、民政与民生以及民政生态等角度,对民政问题的相关内容做些理论上的探微。本文认为民政有理论,而且民政理论应当先行于民政实践,政治学应当关注和加强民政问题的理论研究;认为从特定意义上说,民政亦即人政,民政不仅以"民"而且以"人"为中心或核心,民政应以人为本,民政工作不仅仅是国家、政府民政职能部门的事,整个国家和政府的机构设置都是为着民政的,并以民政为核心,只是分工不同罢了;认为以人为本的民政理论与实践工作有着广阔的前景。  相似文献   
86.
This article juxtaposes two of the most influential yet under-studied America watchers within the top echelon of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), Wang Huning and Zheng Bijian. To be sure, the two have indelibly shaped CCP attitudes, yet surprisingly enough, although Zheng has been written about extensively in the English language, Wang has hitherto largely remained outside academics’ purview. This article also aims, in passing, to explore linkages between Wang and Zheng ideas and those of other well- known America watchers like Liu Mingfu and Yan Xuetong. The comparison offers clues as to the extent to which the current advisory shaping CCP thinking on the US differs from the previous generation, and as to whether CCP thinking is un-American or anti-American in essence. The conclusions ties the study together by arguing, based on Wang and Zheng's views, that New Confucianism may shape Chinese society in the future  相似文献   
87.
习近平的基层党建思想,丰富了马克思主义建党学说,为新形势下做好党的基层工作提供了新的理论指导。其具有以下明显的理论特征:以满足人民需要为目的,促进全面发展的执政理念;以改革创新为动力,不断开创基层党建工作新局面的时代精神;以先进力量为表率,身体力行躬身示范的责任担当;以党章为根本标准,从严要求党员的坚定信心;以实事求是为思想指导,坚持求真务实的思维方法。  相似文献   
88.
为了遏制和打击洗钱活动,德国通过在刑法典中新增洗钱罪和多次的修订,将洗钱行为犯罪化,逐步建立起反洗钱和恐怖融资的刑事法律体系,并在一定程度上具有自己的独特之处。在国际社会共同打击洗钱活动和我国面临严峻洗钱形势的背景下,有必要介绍德国反洗钱刑事立法的成功经验,这对于完善我国的反洗钱法律制度具有借鉴意义。  相似文献   
89.
近10年来,唐宋妇女史研究取得了累累硕果,发表论文专著百余篇,涉及诸多层面,主要有妇女地位问题、妇女生活、特殊群体妇女研究等方面,但也存在诸多不足,仍需要加强研究。  相似文献   
90.
This essay reviews the history of Uighur related terrorism in Xinjiang as well as elsewhere in China and discusses the political motivations and effectiveness of the Chinese government in suppressing terrorism. The essay assesses both the motivations of the Uighurs engaged in terrorism, as well as the motivations for counter terrorist by the Chinese authorities. A key objective of the essay is to determine what are the political and other reasons that drive the Chinese government’s counter terrorism strategy and tactics and whether these have been effective or counter-productive. The essay assesses the counter terrorism strategy of the Chinese government in Xinjiang Province and across China, the political motivations for the strategy, the impact and success or otherwise. The essay discusses if the government is combatting terrorism, or separatism, or extremism, the confusion of these terms, and whether this has had any impact on the effectiveness of counter terrorism.  相似文献   
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