Made to measure? An analysis of the transition from Disability Living Allowance to Personal Independence Payment

As part of the government’s programme of welfare reform Personal Independence Payment (PIP) is replacing Disability Living Allowance (DLA) for people of working age. This will have a significant impact on a wide range of disability benefit claimants. This article examines the government’s rationale for replacing DLA with PIP, the key technical differences between the two benefits and the role that disability benefits can play in reducing poverty. The introduction of PIP has led to considerable debate in the social welfare law sector about the scope, purpose and assessment of social security benefits for the disabled. These issues are explored with reference to the first Gray Review of PIP (2014) and the United Nations Committee on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities Inquiry (2016) into the impact of the UK Government’s policies on disabled people.     

In the right place,at the right time: Opportunity structures and candidates’ chances of getting elected for the first time

The foundational principle of representative democracy is that legislative elites can be replaced in elections. Yet, first-time parliamentary entries have received little attention. We present the first systematic attempt to examine the conditions of first-time parliamentary entry in multimember district PR systems. We introduce an overlooked explanatory factor, candidates' short-term opportunity structure. While controlling for personal vote-earning attributes (PVEAs), we examine how competitive context shapes newcomers' chances in a pure OLPR system where party elites cannot skew competition between candidates. Our register-based analysis of candidacies in seven Finnish parliamentary elections (1995–2019, n = 7548) shows that while personal qualities enhance candidates’ chances, first-time entry is restricted by the competitive context, especially the decisions of incumbent MPs. The strong impact of exceptional PVEAs suggests that other “big fish” candidates may also shape competitive contexts. Overall, the study indicates that electoral competition can be rather restricted even in the most competitive electoral systems.     

表决权代理、表决权信托与国有股表决权信托证

借鉴西方的表决权代理与表决权信托制度的有关经验 ,我国应将上市公司的国有股表决权证券化为类似于股票一样的国有股表决权信托证 ,并在沪深股市竟价发行后上市流通交易 ,与原有流通股一起共同构成统一的公司控制权市场。国有股控制权的流动化、市场化将有助于构筑国家与上市公司经营者之间的信托关系 ,建立外部控制机制 ,实现政企分开 ,构建股市的用手投票机制 ,促进经理人市场的形成 ,从而改进我国公司治理环境     

Development of latent fingermarks on thermal paper: Preliminary investigation into use of iodine fuming

Thermal paper finds its extensive use in the modern day life and could act as a vital piece of physical evidence carrying latent fingermarks. A large number of citations are available in literature suggesting various techniques to develop these marks but all are suffering with one or the other drawbacks such as complex and cumbersome procedure, pre- or post-treatment, background coloration and efficiency to develop aged fingermarks. In present study, a very simple and novel method involving iodine fuming has been suggested to develop fingermarks which were not only permanent but also without any background coloration. The suggested method does not involve any pre- or post-treatment of the substrate and was able to develop very old fingermarks (upto >1 year). In this study an attempt has been made to explain the reaction mechanism of the process. In case of different types of thermal papers, presence of different substituents on leuco dye (lactone ring) structure resulted in development of different colored fingermarks upon reaction with iodine. Sebaceous material laden marks have been found to be more intensely developed as compared to eccrine marks, and the difference was more pronounced in case of aged fingermarks.     

Electoral system effects re-examined using the largest vote share variable

In the search for a less controversial pattern between electoral systems and party systems, especially the institutional conditions for multipartism, this article develops and analyses a complete post-war dataset on largest parties’ vote shares. In contrast to the vague wording in the Duvergerian literature, it defends a strong proposition that majority parties are almost always a result of disproportionality. With some rare exceptions, they are either manufactured (without a majority of popular votes) or, less frequently, held together by heterogeneous groups (indicated either by a large number of swing voters or an exceptionally restrictive system) through strategic voting. I explain the phenomenon using a theory on politicians’ incentive for office turnover and voters’ demand for party accountability, and also theorize why South Africa and Namibia are the only two outliers to the pattern.     

Candidate-centric systems and the politicization of ethnicity: evidence from Indonesia

When and why do electoral candidates politicize ethnicity? From the literature, we might expect this behaviour to occur during democratic transitions or under proportional rules. However, empirical support for these arguments is mixed. This article presents a new approach, arguing that candidate-centric rules offer candidates incentives to politicize ethnicity. The argument is tested in Indonesia with empirical evidence drawn from coding newspaper reports on campaign events, endorsements and group appeals. Indonesia used party-centric rules from 1997 to 2004, and even though the country democratized during this period, the politicization of ethnicity actually declined. I show how party-centric rules, coupled with a national economic crisis, encouraged candidates to campaign on broad national platforms of reform and development, thereby appealing to the poor rather than to ethnic groups. Between 2004 and 2009, the system became more candidate-centric and the politicization of ethnicity increased. I argue that changes in the system freed candidates from national party platforms and motivated them to campaign on their local connections with ethnic groups. This study is particularly pertinent amidst the push for direct candidate-centric elections in the developing world and the lack of literature on how such rules could affect ethnic politics.     

Sticking to the Union? Nationalism,inequality and political disaffection and the geography of Scotland’s 2014 independence referendum

Scotland’s 2014 Independence Referendum affords a rare opportunity to examine public support for the break-up of a long-established, stable democracy. Analyses of support for Scottish independence reveal that while issues of national identity loomed large in the vote, they were not the only factors involved. Questions around the economic and political direction of the state, and around uneven development, ideology and trust in established politicians also influenced voters’ decisions. Partisanship also mattered, as voters were more likely than not to follow the lead of their party in what had become a highly partisan contest. But some parties – especially Labour – saw large minorities of their supporters vote against the party’s line to support independence.     

Tools of single party hegemony in Tanzania: evidence from surveys and survey experiments

Political systems dominated by a single party are common in the developing world, including in countries that hold regular elections. Yet we lack knowledge about the strategies by which these regimes maintain political dominance. This article presents evidence from Tanzania, a paradigmatic dominant party regime, to demonstrate how party institutions are used instrumentally to ensure the regime's sustained control. First, I show that the ruling party maintains a large infrastructure of neighbourhood representatives, and that in the presence of these agents, citizens self-censor about their political views. Second, I provide estimates of the frequency with which politicians give goods to voters around elections, demonstrating that such gifts are more common in Tanzania than previous surveys suggest. Third, I use a survey experiment to test respondents’ reaction to information about corruption. Few voters change their preferences upon receipt of this information. Taken together, this article provides a detailed picture of ruling party activities at the micro-level in Tanzania. Citizens conceal opposition sympathies from ten cell leaders, either because they fear punishment or seek benefits. These party agents can monitor citizens’ political views, facilitating clientelist exchange. Finally, citizens’ relative insensitivity to clientelism helps explain why politicians are not punished for these strategies.     

The 2017 General Election,Brexit and the Return to Two‐Party Politics: An Aggregate‐Level Analysis of the Result

The outcome of the 2017 general election—a hung parliament—defied most predictions. In this article, we draw on aggregate‐level data to conduct an initial exploration of the vote. What was the impact of Brexit on the 2017 general election result? What difference did the collapse of UKIP make? And what was the relative importance of factors such as turnout, education, age and ethnic diversity on support for the two main parties? First, we find that turnout was generally higher in more pro‐remain areas, and places with high concentrations of young people, ethnic minorities and university graduates. Second, we find that the Conservatives made gains in the sort of places that had previously backed Brexit and previously voted for UKIP . But, third, we find that the gains the Conservatives made from the electoral decline of UKIP were offset by losses in the sort of places that had previously supported the Conservatives, particularly areas in southern England with larger numbers of graduates. The implication of these findings is that while a Brexit effect contributed to a ‘realignment on the right’, with the Conservative strategy appealing to people in places that had previously voted for UKIP , this strategy was not without an electoral cost, and appears to have hurt the party in more middle class areas.     

挪用资金罪中“归个人使用”的教义学诠释

与挪用公款罪相比,挪用资金罪的“归个人使用”具有独特的内涵,其独特性源于该罪的规范目的,即维护“私法领域中的身份契约制度规范”的有效性。只有违反身份契约制度规范的“个人决定”,才能损害身份契约制度规范的有效性,才能凸显挪用资金罪的不法。“个人决定”是“归个人使用”要件的题中之义,是挪用资金罪中重要的归责依据。挪用资金罪的“归个人使用”是指,个人决定将本单位资金供本人、亲友等自然人或者其他单位使用,并具有“以个人名义进行的”或者“以单位名义进行,谋取个人利益的”情形。