Estimation of stature from foot and shoe measurements by multiplication factors: A revised attempt

Estimation of stature from foot and shoe measurements using multiplication factors is well known. It is a simple method and it is used very frequently as a ready reckoner in forensic anthropology. However the individual error is quite large. In the present work an attempt has been made to evolve revised multiplication factors to reduce this error so that this method (multiplication factor) can be used more effectively with smaller error.     

国际法与国际法治：新问题，新规则，新发展（专题）——控制国际犯罪与尊重基本人权问题探析

在控制国际犯罪的同时注重对人权的保护,是现代法治社会的基本要求。为了保护人权,国际社会将最严重侵犯基本人权的行为界定为国际犯罪。在控制国际犯罪与尊重基本人权问题上,国家与国际组织都承担了相应的义务与责任。犯有国际罪行的个人,也必须承担有关责任。     

党委票决制的理性透视

党委票决制是当前一些地方正在大力试点的党委决策模式和制度设计。文章结合试点地区的经验,对票决制的内涵、票决制的运作、票决制的配套制度建设、票决制的价值意义、票决制运行中的困境等问题进行了概括分析,以期为当前深入推进的党委票决制提供理论和方法论支持。     

Immigrant enfranchisement in Latin America: From strongmen to universal citizenship

In order to explain non-citizen enfranchisement in Latin America, this article takes into account three dimensions: domestic (citizenship tradition, immigration levels, internal politics), global (international and bilateral agreements, human rights discourse) and regional (common markets, diffusion, geopolitics). The article identifies two main modalities: from the early twentieth century to the 1980s, when democracy was not a necessary condition and when national factors prevailed. Starting in the 1990s, democratization in Latin America has brought a new wave of non-citizen enfranchisement, this time with more influence of global and regional factors and, in various cases, in connection with external voting rights.     

精神障碍患者约束和隔离措施的法律规制

约束和隔离是严重剥夺精神障碍患者人身自由的强制措施。约束和隔离实施中所存在的非人道性、危险性和负面效果使得该措施饱受争议,因而法律只允许在例外情况下使用约束和隔离措施,并对其实施条件和程序予以严格限制。即,在实体上明确约束和隔离措施的适用条件和情形,在程序上明确约束和隔离措施的实施步骤,从而构筑起约束、隔离的法律规制体系。     

Drivers of political parties’ voting behaviour in European economic governance: the ultimate decline of the economic cleavage?

The article examines the factors that determined the attitude of parliamentary parties towards eurozone anti-crisis measures. Using a statistical logit model, it demonstrates that, while all governing parties supported such measures, opposition parties were divided. The support of the former is explicable in terms of international obligations. The positions of opposition parties reflected their attitude towards European integration: Eurosceptic parties tended to oppose anti-crisis measures. Furthermore, whereas negative votes were less likely in countries marked by higher levels of popular trust in government and satisfaction with the problem-solving capacity of the EU, the likelihood of no votes increased as a function of the level of trust in national parliaments. The policy preferences of opposition parties, measured on the economic left–right scale, did not provide significant explanatory potential; nor did an additional test measuring the impact of extreme left?right positions.     

You just made it: Individual incumbency advantage under Proportional Representation

Using close election outcomes, we identify a personal effect of incumbency on the probability of seeking election, and seeking and winning office in subsequent elections for elected officials in an Open List Proportional System. In many cases Danish local elections creates an as-if random distribution of candidates that are elected or not, which is an ideal setting for a Regression Discontinuity design. The incumbency advantage has been studied to a great extent, though primarily in pluralistic electoral systems, while more recent studies have extended the scope to Proportional Representation systems. This study adds to this budding literature by showing an advantage in a new context and focusing on candidate level electoral returns under conditions where candidates are arguably least likely to benefit from incumbency.     

The changing representation interface: democracy and direct contact with politicians

The interface between politicians and the electorate is a vital component of the infrastructure of democracy and politicians now have many more tools available to communicate and engage with the electorate. Direct contact between politicians and the electorate is associated with increased levels of civic engagement. In this article, we examine the responsiveness of politicians in the UK by conducting: (i) an innovative test of responses to an undecided voter's email and (ii) follow-up interviews with electoral candidates. We found that a majority of electoral candidates had an identifiable email address and more than half responded to our undecided voter's email. However, there were considerable differences in the content relevance of the responses. There were also very few follow-up emails or further contact from the electoral candidates, suggesting only limited evidence of an integrated communication strategy. Electoral candidates also expressed concerns about communicating in a way that was ‘on record’. The findings provide a unique insight into the dynamics of communication between politicians and the electorate and the changing nature of the representation interface. Whilst the Internet has the scope for more personalized and two-way communication and for electors to hold politicians to account, it seems that politicians are more focused on campaign advantage rather than renewing the representation interface.     

That’s Why the Lady Lost to the Trump: Demographics and the 2016 Presidential Election

I examine the relationship between demographics and vote choice using pre-election tracking polls, exit polls, and data on the American states. A number of important findings emerge: (1) there was a fair amount of preference stability in 2016; (2) Clinton underperformed Obama in 83% of demographic groups examined; (3) at the state level, the percent of whites with low levels of education and the size of the rural population had important effects on vote choice, and both of those variables were more strongly correlated with Democratic vote share in 2016 than in 2012; and (4) while state turnout rates were moderately correlated with Clinton’s vote share, changes in state turnout rates from 2012 to 2016 did not have a substantial impact on Clinton’s performance.     

作为劳动基准的个人信息保护

劳动者的个人信息保护问题存在特殊之处,具体表现为资强劳弱和人格从属性背景下知情同意规则的失灵、工作数字化后劳动者被透视和被操控的风险、有组织生产的合作关系中个人信息处理的需要,因此不能完全适用《个人信息保护法》的一般规则。劳动基准法已经纳入立法规划,在其中就劳动者个人信息保护做专门规定,这是对数字时代人权保护新挑战的回应,对于其他劳动基准的实现也有重要意义。在劳动关系中仅遵循私法路径不足以保护个人信息,还需要配备公权力保障,劳动基准法的双重保护机制也契合了这一需求。作为劳动关系中保护个人信息的特别法,劳动基准法的相应条款应该考虑如何对一般规则进行调整,包括限制知情同意规则的适用,满足人力资源管理的正当需求,修改删除权、可携带权和自动化决策条款,协调主管机构、救济方式和法律责任。由于"必需"是一个语境依赖型概念,将来还应该通过配套文件来规制工作场所的视频监控等典型的应用场景。