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241.
无论是在理论上还是在实践中,领事保护和外交保护都是一个较难明确区分的问题。“是否用尽当地救济”是区分二者的关键标准。然而,很多混淆的产生是与国家责任条款的变化、对国家责任的产生存在误解,以及对外交保护的实体权利和程序条件不分有关。由于国家责任条款和外交保护条款的双重影响,传统领事保护与外交保护当中,出现了部分交融的趋势。这种融合,实际上就是部分外交保护转化为领事保护,这就扩展了领事保护的范围,提升了领事保护的程度,使得海外公民的权利更能得到及时的保护和补救。  相似文献   
242.
认同是国家利益的来源,从两个途径制约着国家的外交政策。以阿拉伯认同对伊拉克外交政策塑造为主线,伊拉克外交可以分为前萨达姆时期、萨达姆时期与后萨达姆时期三个阶段,在此三个阶段中,库尔德民族认同、伊斯兰宗教认同、逊尼派和什叶派的宗派认同对外交政策的影响力也同时存在。伊拉克国家认同缺失正是其外交政策导向多变的原因,重新构建强大的国家认同,在国家认同指导下展开自主的外交交往,是伊拉克消除内乱、提高国际信用度的可取出路。  相似文献   
243.
政府购买居家养老服务不仅是我国应对"银色化浪潮"的重要战略选择,也是完善养老制度的重要组成部分。我国老龄化日益严重,具有"未富先老"的特点。在比较分析相关研究的基础上,总结我国政府购买居家养老服务的迫切性,概括国外政府购买居家养老服务的实践,并从我国现有的法律和文件、购买模式及面临的问题归纳现阶段政府购买居家养老服务的现状。为政府购买居家养老服务提出对策建议,以期新养老方式不断得以完善与推广,更好地满足老龄化社会的需求。  相似文献   
244.
This study is the first comprehensive curricular comparison of graduate arts management programs in the United States. Its principal finding is that there exists considerable curricular convergence among arts management programs and that their differences may be exploited strategically. Through extensive curricular analysis and in-depth conversations with faculty, this study makes both conceptual and methodological contributions to the field—conceptual because it provides an empirical basis for the definition of arts management as a formal academic discipline in its own right and methodological because it proposes a framework to effect a systematic comparison of arts management program curricula.  相似文献   
245.
Abstract

This paper considers the issues involved in the use of manuals to guide the treatment of sexual offenders. I identify problems in the use of manuals, particularly their failure to encourage satisfactorily the implementation of therapeutic skills, the restrictions they place upon the therapist's ability to address the responsivity principle, the limits to which manuals can accommodate changes as a result of new evidence and the suppression of innovation. I offer suggestions for an alternative set of strategies to ensure the integrity of treatment delivery while at the same time overcoming the problems associated with manualization.  相似文献   
246.
This short overview of available statistical data on crime and penal systems in Scandinavia indicates that the level of traditional forms of crime in Scandinavia is on a par with or lower than that found in many other European countries. As elsewhere in western Europe, Scandinavia experienced a substantial increase in crime rates during the post‐war period—indicating that these recorded increases may have common structural roots. The 1990s witnessed a stabilization of theft rates, albeit at a high level. Increasing equality between women and men may have contributed to an increase in the reporting of violent and sexual offences against women (and children), making these offences more visible. The system of formal control in the Scandinavian countries is characterized by relatively low police density; a clear‐up rate that has declined; above‐average conviction rates; the imposition of fines in a high proportion of criminal cases; and relatively low prison populations. The implications for crime policies are discussed.  相似文献   
247.

At the beginning of the 1950s, the prisoner rate in Finland was four times higher than in the other Nordic countries and among the highest in Europe. However, the steady decrease that started soon after the Second World War has continued, and in the beginning of the 1990s Finland reached the Nordic level. The paper discusses some backgound factors behind this ''success story''. In addition, the paper examines the relation of prisoner rates and recorded crime. A comparison between the Nordic countries reveals that the major crime trends have been practically similar despite striking differpractices ences in the use of imprisonment. As concluded in the paper, the decrease in the prison population is one of the major victories of Finnish crime policy.  相似文献   
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《Global Crime》2013,14(3-4):345-373
The premise of this paper is that a section of the Greek policy-making elite responsible for formulating policy against organised crime has taken advantage of an internationally-developed programme of action on this issue to strengthen perceptions of the Greek state's legitimacy amongst both domestic and foreign audiences. Although positive reaction to foreign pressure for policy change has tended to be made at the risk of losing further legitimacy in the eyes of domestic public opinion, in this case the issue of organised crime has presented an opportunity to the policy-making elite to develop policy that also aims to bolster the domestic legitimacy of the state by dealing with criminality and presenting the state as a clean and neutral body acting for the common public good.  相似文献   
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