东南亚华人青年如何看待华人与当地民族的关系

本文通过问卷调查的方式分析研究东南亚华人青年对民族关系的看法和态度。结果表明，大多数华人青年认为，他们在政治上认同居住国，但在文化和民族认同方面则仍然保留华人特色     

政党规范的形式与效力

政党规范是关于政党的各种规范的总称,其核心问题是如何有效进行政党治理、维护政党政治秩序、促进民主政治发展。政党规范主要包括法律规范、社会规范、内部规范。这三种形式的政党规范既有一定的联系,在价值追求、形式特点、效力范围、实现方式方面又有明显区别。在当今世界,政党政治的复杂性、系统性、多样性,决定了仅靠任何一种规范都难以有效地进行政党治理;只有把政党规范作为一个体系、树立系统的政党治理观,既加强立法、依靠法律来匡正政党行为,也加强政治伦理建设、用伦理秩序来匡扶人心,还要加强政党内部建设、整合党内秩序,做到德法相济、内外相济、各种政党规范相协调,才能构建合理的政党政治秩序、促进民主政治发展。     

当代中国政治思潮：根源与演进

当代中国政治思潮既是当代中国政治发展的一面镜子,又是驱动当代中国政治发展的重要思想资源.当代中国政治思潮的产生与演进,是与当代中国政治、经济和社会的变动紧密联系在一起的.政治学的恢复、社会变革、知识群体的兴起以及知识生产、传播体系的变化,是刺激当代中国政治思潮产生的直接根源.当代中国政治思潮的演进经历了以下几个阶段:(1)价值重估运动和权威体系改造运动:对改革开放时代的早期回应;(2)国家一社会关系重构运动:对市场化的回应;(3)改革政府运动:对市场化与经济全球化的理性回应;(4)民族主义与民族复兴运动:后冷战时代对全球化的政治回应四个阶段.在不同的历史阶段,当代中国政治思潮具有不同的关怀和政治属性.     

What voters want from their parties: Testing the promise-keeping assumption

How should party governments make representative democracy? Much of the democracy representation literature assumes that voters prefer parties to fulfill the promises of their election campaigns, with higher preference for promise-keeping placed on the party a voter supports. That voters agree with these assumptions, however, remains largely unclear and this is the main hypothesis of this article. Within the context of Australia, this article investigates voter preferences regarding three ideal party representative styles: promise-keeping, focus on public opinion, and seeking the common good. Furthermore, it tests whether voters prefer their party – over other parties – to keep their promises. Based on novel and innovative survey data, this study finds that, generally, voters care least about parties keeping their promises and their preferences are unaffected by their party support. These results, if confirmed in other contexts, not only challenge the primacy of promise-keeping, but also the assumed ubiquitous party effect.     

What consideration sets can teach us about electoral competition: A two-hurdle model

Consideration set models (CSMs) offer a novel way to study electoral behavior. Until now, they have been mostly studied at the micro-level of the voter's decision process. By contrast, we focus on the implications of CSMs for understanding the phenomenon of party competition. We propose a two hurdle model whereby parties compete for both consideration and selection, pursuant the consideration and choice stages of the CSM. We operationalize these hurdles in terms of a party's inclusivity—is it being considered?—and exclusivity—is it considered on its own?—and formally derive lower- and upper-bounds for the electoral fortunes of the party. We also show how consideration set data can be used to sketch the competition landscape in an election and to characterize the system-wide competitiveness of a political system. We illustrate our concepts and ideas using data from the 2010 Dutch and 2014 Swedish parliamentary elections.     

违约金调减的证明责任问题

在对《民法典》第585条第2款后段的解读中,应将"违约金过分高于损失"理解为违约金调减请求的权利成立要件,将法官自由裁量权的行使理解为权利成立的法律后果。这一区分对应了违约金的双重功能,可为违约金调减请求提供更清晰的审理思路。成立要件的审理对应违约金的补偿性功能,适用诉讼法理;调减衡量因素的审理对应违约金的履约压力功能,部分适用非讼法理。根据现行法,"违约金过分高于损失"的证明责任应由违约方承担,且不能转移。违约方的证明困难属于法官自由心证的范畴,在具体诉讼中可以通过事案解明义务缓解,但不改变证明责任、证明标准以及由此决定的本证与反证的区分。违约金调减衡量因素的调查不存在证明责任问题,应围绕法官自由裁量权的行使,在诉讼法理与非讼法理的交错适用中展开。     

中国特色政党制度理论体系的理论基础研究

中国特色政党制度理论体系的理论基础包括三方面:马列主义多党合作思想是中国特色政党制度理论体系的理论渊源;马克思主义中国化的政党理论形成是中国特色政党制度理论体系的直接理论基础,标志着中国特色政党制度理论体系的初步形成;中国特色人民民主理论是中国特色政党制度理论体系的立论基石,是贯穿于整个理论体系的主线。     

The effects of campaign finance spending bans on electoral outcomes: Evidence from the states about the potential impact of Citizens United v. FEC

This paper seeks to understand the effect of campaign finance laws on electoral outcomes. Spurred by the recent Supreme Court decision, Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission (2010), which eliminated bans on corporate and union political spending, the study focuses on whether such bans generate electoral outcomes that are notably different from an electoral system that lacks such bans. We look to two key electoral dynamics that such bans might influence: the partisan balance of power and the success of incumbents. Using historical data on regulations in 49 American states between 1968 and 2009 we test alternative models for evaluating the impact of corporate spending bans put in place during this period. The results indicate that spending bans appear to have limited effects on election outcomes.     

Political participation in Africa: The role of individual resources

This paper aims to examine the role of individual resources in explaining African political participation. If political participation is costly and requires inputs in terms of individual resources, and citizens in young developing country democracies face comparatively high participation costs and have more limited individual resource endowments than citizens in more established democracies, a resource approach to political participation should be particularly relevant in the African setting. On the contrary, however, empirical findings drawing on recent data for more than 27,000 respondents in 20 emerging African democracies suggest weak explanatory power of the resource perspective. Often, the relatively resource poor actually participate to a greater extent than the more resource rich. The results are encouraging in that they suggest fairly broad-based political participation, but also call attention to the need to evaluate the motivational forces behind the decision to take part.     

增强社会主义意识形态的吸引力和凝聚力——基于高校思想政治教育工作的考量

增强社会主义意识形态的吸引力和凝聚力，是党的十七大提出的文化建设的重大战略任务。当代大学生是我国青年人中知识较丰富、思想较敏锐的群体，是祖国的未来、民族的希望。在社会思想大活跃、观念大碰撞、文化大交融的背景下，如何保证和增强社会主义意识形态对大学生群体的吸引力和凝聚力，这是社会主义意识形态领域中备受关注的内容之一，也是大学生思想政治教育中遇到的一个重大课题。积极探索增强社会主义意识形态对大学生吸引力的有效途径，对于在全社会开展社会主义核心价值体系的宣传教育，增强社会主义意识形态的吸引力和凝聚力大有裨益。