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11.
Michaela Fischer 《Swiss Political Science Review》2023,29(4):465-478
Switzerland is a laggard in terms of digital campaigning. Direct democratic votes, more particularly, are centered around issues and little personalized. Combined with the specificities of voters’ information behaviour in direct democratic campaigns, these features are likely to disincentivize political actors from extensively campaigning online. Instead, we expect political actors to continue relying on traditional media. These propositions are tested on a large data base of social media posts and newspaper advertisements published before direct democratic votes held in Switzerland from 1981 to 2020 and 2010 to 2020, respectively. Counterintuitively, this research note finds a strong discontinuity in campaign communication practices. Over the past decades, and between 2010 and 2020 in particular, newspaper ads have become less central to direct democratic campaign communication. At the same time, political actors are increasingly shifting their communication to the digital sphere. 相似文献
12.
Quanwu Zhang Rolf Loeber Magda Stouthamer-Loeber 《Journal of Quantitative Criminology》1997,13(2):181-215
Inconsistent findings of attitude-behavior relations are commonly attributed to uncontrolled domain, time, or situational factors. Without integrative work, studies accounting for these factors may further complicate research by introducing potentially numerous third variables and render a coherent understanding of the attitude-behavior relationship even more difficult to achieve. In this paper, a developmental perspective is taken and the attitude-behavior relationship in delinquency is examined using three modes of investigation: multivariate patterns of attitude-behavior associations, their mutual predictability, and their developmental trajectories. Three grade cohorts of public school boys (n=1517 of the first, seventh, and tenth grades, initially) were followed over a period of 4 years, with an average age span of 7–16 years. Correspondence analyses suggested that adolescent boys with a tolerant attitude toward theft or violence were more deviant than those who had actual behavior of theft or violence. Stronger attitude effect on subsequent behavior, relative to behavior effect on subsequent attitudes, was found among boys aged 10–12 years. While mean scores of tolerant attitudes to serious theft and violence increased linearly with their behavior counterparts between 6 and 17 years of age, ages 11 and 14 were two turning points at which most delinquent attitudes and behaviors escalated at a higher speed. In general, delinquent attitudes and behaviors were related to each other in various patterns, and age was a defining factor that provided much of the explanation for the inconsistencies in research findings. 相似文献
13.
刘国娟 《国家行政学院学报》2003,(5):31-33
村级治理对于乡村政治文明建设具有积极意义 ,主要表现为 :村级治理推动了乡村政治制度化的进程 ,提升了乡村社会的政治民主化水平 ,维护了乡村社会的政治稳定 相似文献
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15.
It is well known that African Americans and whites hold different views of the police, but nearly all of the previous research has been conducted in majority white settings. This research examines the relationship between race and evaluations of the police in majority black versus majority white contexts. Social dominance theory and the research on racial threat predict that when the racial majority changes, the relationship between race and attitudes toward police will change. We find that, in majority black contexts, the traditional relationship between being black and having negative evaluations of the police disappears, and it disappears because whites' evaluations of the police become more negative. Black evaluations of the police are relatively consistent across racial contexts. Also, white racial attitudes affect police evaluations in majority black contexts, but not in white contexts, while African American racial attitudes are inconsequential in both contexts. Furthermore, if a white citizen is victimized by crime in a black city, it has greater ramifications for evaluations of the police than if the victimization had occurred in a white city. All of this suggests that whites' views of the police may be more racialized than the views of African Americans. 相似文献
16.
Many observers suggest that white evangelical Protestant churches serve to mobilize their members into politics, while others argue that they encourage withdrawal from political life. This paper reconciles these two claims. I hypothesize that the time members of evangelical Protestant denominations spend in service to their church comes at the expense of participation in the wider community, contrary to the way mainline Protestant and Catholic churches foster civic activity among their members. However, I further hypothesize that the tight social networks formed through this intensive church activity can at times facilitate rapid and intense political mobilization. Data from the Citizen Participation Study supports the first hypothesis, while applying King's method of ecological inference to two elections in Alabama supports the second. 相似文献
17.
Previous research has indicated that socio-economic and racial characteristics of an individual's environment influence not only group consciousness and solidarity, but also affect his or her views toward minority or majority groups. Missing from this research is a consideration of how context, social interaction, and interracial experiences combine to shape more general psychological orientations such as generalized trust. In this study we address this gap in the literature by conducting a neighborhood-level analysis that examines how race, racial attitudes, social interactions, and residential patterns affect generalized trust. Our findings suggest not only that the neighborhood context plays an important role in shaping civic orientations, but that the diversity of interaction settings is a key condition for the development of generalized trust. 相似文献
18.
周士新 《江南社会学院学报》2005,7(1):44-48
政治文化是某个国家或民族文化与历史传统长期积淀而成的政治观念方面的综合体系,表现出一个政治系统的基本政治倾向。美欧的政治文化既表现在双方对国内政治和国际政治的认知上,也贯穿于各自的历史进程中。美欧在伊拉克战争问题上表现出来的针锋相对的态势,显示出双方迥然不同的政治文化传统。美国的霸权倾向与欧洲的制衡传统产生剧烈的摩擦和碰撞。伊拉克战争既为双方政治文化冲突提供了导火索,也为两者弘扬各自外交理念提供了平台。 相似文献
19.
如何对政治工作的效能和效益进行科学的评估,是政治工作领域中人们长期以来一直想解决而又难以解决的复杂性问题之一。模糊数学为建立政治工作计算机综合评估模型指明了道路和前景,也为解决政治工作效能和效益评估等诸多复杂性问题提供了新的思路和方法。 相似文献
20.
柳涵宇 《天津市工会管理干部学院学报》2021,(1)
思想政治工作是国有企业的独特法宝,在促进改革发展、维护和谐稳定等方面发挥着重要作用。针对当前国企党建思想政治工作存在的思想政治工作重视程度不够,开展思想政治工作方式单一,部分企业员工分散、工作开展存在一定难度等问题,应从抓好意识形态工作、加强文化宣传、健全工作制度、创新工作方法、发挥群团组织合力等方面来加强和改进,以推动企业高质量发展。 相似文献