政党规范的形式与效力

政党规范是关于政党的各种规范的总称,其核心问题是如何有效进行政党治理、维护政党政治秩序、促进民主政治发展。政党规范主要包括法律规范、社会规范、内部规范。这三种形式的政党规范既有一定的联系,在价值追求、形式特点、效力范围、实现方式方面又有明显区别。在当今世界,政党政治的复杂性、系统性、多样性,决定了仅靠任何一种规范都难以有效地进行政党治理;只有把政党规范作为一个体系、树立系统的政党治理观,既加强立法、依靠法律来匡正政党行为,也加强政治伦理建设、用伦理秩序来匡扶人心,还要加强政党内部建设、整合党内秩序,做到德法相济、内外相济、各种政党规范相协调,才能构建合理的政党政治秩序、促进民主政治发展。     

当代中国政治思潮：根源与演进

当代中国政治思潮既是当代中国政治发展的一面镜子,又是驱动当代中国政治发展的重要思想资源.当代中国政治思潮的产生与演进,是与当代中国政治、经济和社会的变动紧密联系在一起的.政治学的恢复、社会变革、知识群体的兴起以及知识生产、传播体系的变化,是刺激当代中国政治思潮产生的直接根源.当代中国政治思潮的演进经历了以下几个阶段:(1)价值重估运动和权威体系改造运动:对改革开放时代的早期回应;(2)国家一社会关系重构运动:对市场化的回应;(3)改革政府运动:对市场化与经济全球化的理性回应;(4)民族主义与民族复兴运动:后冷战时代对全球化的政治回应四个阶段.在不同的历史阶段,当代中国政治思潮具有不同的关怀和政治属性.     

The Quiet Revolution? The Labour Party and Welfare Conditionality

Labour's 2017 general election manifesto contained a pledge to ‘end the punitive sanctions regime’ in the British welfare state. Whilst the specific implications of this pledge were not elaborated, such a policy would nevertheless constitute a profound break with a welfare consensus spanning over twenty years. The depth of the suggested changes on welfare are also evident in the scale of reform proposed to disability benefits, as well as plans—confirmed in August 2018 by the Shadow Chancellor John McDonnell—to pilot universal basic income. Collectively, these policies would seemingly be deeply at odds with public opinion on the benefits system, which over the course of the last two decades has significantly hardened. Yet despite the seemingly radical and controversial nature of the policy, it received very little media or public attention during the election campaign. This article explores Labour's ‘quiet revolution’ on welfare, examining whether Labour's new welfare approach is indeed a bold attempt to reshape public opinion on welfare or, alternatively, a mostly pragmatic reaction to changing social attitudes. The argument presented is that whilst there are persuasive explanations that Labour is responding to a change in the public mood, there is also evidence of a more ambitious goal at stake: the aim of reshaping, not simply responding to, public opinion on the welfare state.     

What voters want from their parties: Testing the promise-keeping assumption

How should party governments make representative democracy? Much of the democracy representation literature assumes that voters prefer parties to fulfill the promises of their election campaigns, with higher preference for promise-keeping placed on the party a voter supports. That voters agree with these assumptions, however, remains largely unclear and this is the main hypothesis of this article. Within the context of Australia, this article investigates voter preferences regarding three ideal party representative styles: promise-keeping, focus on public opinion, and seeking the common good. Furthermore, it tests whether voters prefer their party – over other parties – to keep their promises. Based on novel and innovative survey data, this study finds that, generally, voters care least about parties keeping their promises and their preferences are unaffected by their party support. These results, if confirmed in other contexts, not only challenge the primacy of promise-keeping, but also the assumed ubiquitous party effect.     

What consideration sets can teach us about electoral competition: A two-hurdle model

Consideration set models (CSMs) offer a novel way to study electoral behavior. Until now, they have been mostly studied at the micro-level of the voter's decision process. By contrast, we focus on the implications of CSMs for understanding the phenomenon of party competition. We propose a two hurdle model whereby parties compete for both consideration and selection, pursuant the consideration and choice stages of the CSM. We operationalize these hurdles in terms of a party's inclusivity—is it being considered?—and exclusivity—is it considered on its own?—and formally derive lower- and upper-bounds for the electoral fortunes of the party. We also show how consideration set data can be used to sketch the competition landscape in an election and to characterize the system-wide competitiveness of a political system. We illustrate our concepts and ideas using data from the 2010 Dutch and 2014 Swedish parliamentary elections.     

‘Come together?’ Citizens and civil servants dialogue and trust

Trust is a key element in the co‐creation of solution for public problems. Working together is a gradual learning exercise that helps to shape emotions and attitudes and to create the foundations of trust. However, little is known about how institutions can promote trust. With the intention of going deeper into the subject, this paper focuses on a local experience in Spain: Madrid Escucha, a City Council initiative aimed at stimulating dialogue between officials and citizens around projects to improve city life. Three are our questions: who participate in these spaces, how the interactions are, and what advances are achieved. Based on qualitative research, empirical findings confirm a biased participation in this kind of scenarios as well as the presence of prejudices on both sides, an interaction characterised by initial idealism followed by discouragement and a possible readjustment, and a final satisfaction with the process even when results are not successful.     

美国等西方国家对华“分化”策略的新变化及对策思考

基于政治制度和意识形态的冲突、地缘政治的竞争和战略的不信任,以美国为首的西方国家对华实施西化分化的战略图谋一刻也没有松懈。近年来,中国的快速发展迫使美国调整了对华实施分化战略的策略;同时,由于中国正处于社会转型、改革深化的关键时期,社会矛盾的增多、社会冲突的加剧为美西方的分化活动提供了诸多契机和借口。面对美国等西方国家的分化活动出现的新形式与新特点,为了维护国家的政治安全,中国不仅要在策略方面进行应对,还需要在战略层面提出适应国家整体发展的顶层设计,更为重要的是在软实力上构建一套让全世界都信服且能与西方相抗衡的价值体系。     

走出精英主义,坚持批判精神——日常生活审美化十年谈

日常生活的审美化以及审美活动日常生活化是对传统精英主义美学的强有力冲击,深刻地导致了文学艺术及整个文化领域的生产、传播、消费方式的变化.倡导拓展文艺学的对象与范围、调整文艺学的研究范式以及对于日常生活中的审美活动的关注和跨学科研究方法的运用,绝不意味着对日常生活审美化这一现象的价值认同.针对中国的消费主义和日常生活审美...     

弗朗西斯·培根的政治哲学:唯物主义与自然主义之间

作为近代哲学发端式的人物,弗朗西斯·培根的哲学背负着太多后世强加的标签。在特殊的历史情势下,培根并没有试图主动地成为一般意义上的唯物主义者,而是不自觉地将唯物主义作为方法和策略,以便发展和实践其自然主义哲学。这种不自觉的唯物主义和自然主义,最终构成了保守主义的英国启蒙政治的最初底色。系统批判一般的形而上学或建构一种科学主义的理论体系只是后世学者的想象,培根的真实意图则是确立与科学相匹配的自然主义哲学及其方法。培根试图以真正的归纳法引导和重塑经验主义,进而确立经验上升至知识的科学、合法的路径。培根不自觉地拓展科学的规范性外延,将把握自然界与人类社会之客观规律作为力量和公共福祉的源泉。培根将不断取得财富和科学技术进步的国家视为其自然主义的现实效用,但是又最终将现存政治制度的完整保存与自发变革作为这种自然主义的终极限度。     

China's Politics and Bilateral Trade Linkages

Abstract

China's position in the world economy during the past half-century provides vital information for investigating the relation between politics and trade. Although there is a substantial number of studies in this area, the current study extends the literature in at least three ways: (1) it is one of the first studies that investigates the problem of a potential sample selection bias—as a result of the fact that countries taken up in the analysis are not randomly sampled from all countries in the world; (2) it considers third-country effects that follow from the fact that China's relation with any two countries is affected by the relation between these countries themselves; and (3) it tests the impact of five political arrangements simultaneously, which is more comprehensive than any former study. By using data as to 78 of China's trade partners over the 1950–2002 period, this study provides empirical evidence for the hypotheses that the establishment of diplomatic relations, cooperation, visits of heads of states and political system similarity are associated with greater trade flows. The hypothesis that member countries of a Preferential Trading Agreement have had smaller trade flows with China, which is no member of any of these Preferential Trading Agreements, is not supported by the results.