全文获取类型
收费全文 | 1703篇 |
免费 | 13篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 184篇 |
工人农民 | 20篇 |
世界政治 | 110篇 |
外交国际关系 | 146篇 |
法律 | 193篇 |
中国共产党 | 21篇 |
中国政治 | 67篇 |
政治理论 | 558篇 |
综合类 | 417篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 5篇 |
2023年 | 27篇 |
2022年 | 10篇 |
2021年 | 47篇 |
2020年 | 75篇 |
2019年 | 60篇 |
2018年 | 49篇 |
2017年 | 76篇 |
2016年 | 75篇 |
2015年 | 42篇 |
2014年 | 109篇 |
2013年 | 251篇 |
2012年 | 108篇 |
2011年 | 99篇 |
2010年 | 93篇 |
2009年 | 103篇 |
2008年 | 86篇 |
2007年 | 72篇 |
2006年 | 70篇 |
2005年 | 59篇 |
2004年 | 62篇 |
2003年 | 49篇 |
2002年 | 35篇 |
2001年 | 22篇 |
2000年 | 12篇 |
1999年 | 7篇 |
1998年 | 5篇 |
1997年 | 2篇 |
1996年 | 1篇 |
1995年 | 2篇 |
1993年 | 1篇 |
1991年 | 1篇 |
1988年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有1716条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
71.
张晓东 《江南社会学院学报》2003,5(3):1-3,9
思想政治工作"与时俱进"原则的精髓就是解放思想、实事求是,就是从群众中来,到群众中去.它既是马克思主义的思想路线和科学方法论的核心,也是思想政治工作必须把握好的基本原则.要在思想政治工作实践中真正贯彻好"与时俱进"原则,关键要在理论和实践上做到以下"四个适当"一、思想政治工作的定位要适当,对思想政治工作地位和作用的理解要"适当",这是贯彻好思想政治工作"与时俱进"原则的前提;二、思想政治工作在举措上要"适当",即政策对路,措施得力,落到实处,要"管用".这是贯彻好思想政治工作"与时俱进"原则的关键环节;三、先导性是思想政治工作把握度量、体现"适当"的基本要求,也是贯彻"与时俱进"原则的重要内容;四、思想政治工作在覆盖范围上的适当性要求.顺应思想政治工作的时代性要求,建立健全覆盖全社会的思想政治工作网络,是在实践中贯彻好"与时俱进"原则的题中应有之意. 相似文献
72.
仰海峰 《江苏行政学院学报》2003,(4):17-22
符号政治经济学批判是鲍德里亚早期思想建构中的重要内容,也是他分析消费社会的理论平台。鲍德里亚认为,使用价值与交换价值的区分同符号的能指与所指的区分具有理论的同质性,在消费社会中,能指与所指的区分构成了现代资本主义合法性的前提。这决定了马克思的政治经济学批判只有发展为符号政治经济学批判,才能揭示消费过程中意识形态的产生过程。也正是在这一思考中,鲍德里亚离开了马克思,经过《生产之镜》转向后马克思思潮。 相似文献
73.
本文通过对《星洲日报》和《南洋商报》及其他马华主要报刊相关言论和社论的文本分析,揭示了20世纪80-90年代期间马来西亚华人政治参与意识的变化,包括民主政治思想的启蒙,民主政治实践的探索,以及超越种族政治的发展变化过程. 相似文献
74.
《Science & justice》2020,60(3):204-205
This commentary provides a response to the European Court of Human Rights ruling in the case of Gaughran vs the United Kingdom on 13 February 2020. The Court ruled that the indefinite retention of DNA, fingerprints and facial images from all convicted adults was disproportionate. Using data from a survey on public attitudes, we examine the public acceptability of the police retention of forensic biometrics from the population. 相似文献
75.
While scholars have found that Trump was able to capitalize on the racial attitudes of white voters, it is less clear how these racial attitudes influenced vote-choice across partisan and ideological cleavages in the electorate. It is also unclear whether racial attitudes affected voting at the congressional level or electoral outcomes at the aggregate level. Using a novel measure of racial attitudes at the subnational level and survey data, we make three clear findings: (1) Trump and Republican congressional candidates benefited from conservative racial attitudes both at the aggregate level and among white voters, (2) this electoral benefit for Republicans persisted during the 2018 midterm elections, and (3) the effect of attitudes on vote-choice did not significantly vary across partisan and ideological cleavages in the white electorate. Our findings suggest that, even during the era of highly nationalized and partisan elections, racial attitudes are still a mechanism by which Republicans can win significant electoral support among Democrats and relatively liberal voters in the white electorate. These findings have implications for the growing salience of race in the Republican electoral coalition. 相似文献
76.
Under what conditions do citizens favor deciding political issues by popular vote? Models of support for popular vote processes usually consider the influence of individual attitudes such as political trust and interest in politics. But much less is known about the effect of institutional variables on support for popular vote processes. This article builds on research showing that disaffection with elected officials shapes support for referendums by considering the influence of the party system. First, an analysis of multilevel data from twenty-four European democracies indicates that individuals are more supportive of referendums in countries with fewer effective political parties. Second, a mediation analysis provides evidence that the number of parties influences referendum support through individual-level political trust and external efficacy. Where there are fewer viable parties, feelings that elected officials are unresponsive tend to increase popular support for referendums. These findings suggest a trade-off between available representation by political parties and support for direct influence over public policy. 相似文献
77.
ABSTRACTAssessing the risk for animal cruelty is imperative, yet understudied and problematic due to the sensitivity of the topic. Early prevention is critical, yet very little research examines cruelty when it first appears in childhood. The aim of this study was to explore children’s attitudes towards types of animal cruelty, to investigate potential demographic differences, and to examine potential associations between acceptance of cruelty and cognitive and affective factors that place children ‘at-risk’ for cruelty perpetration. Questionnaire data was collected from 1127 children in schools. The results indicate that cruelty attitudes are predicted by some demographic variables such as urban living, being male, younger age and not having pets, but depend on the type of animal cruelty. Acceptance of cruelty predicted low compassion and low reported humane behaviour towards animals. Acceptance of cruelty was predicted by negative attitudes towards animals, lower beliefs in animal minds and low attachment to pets, signifying the importance of targeting such variables in future prevention programmes. This study is an original contribution to research into childhood animal cruelty in the general population, with implications for designing and implementing early prevention programmes that tackle problematic attitudes to cruelty. 相似文献
78.
ABSTRACTInstitutions undertake a huge variety of constitutive purposes. One of the roles of legitimacy is to protect and promote an institution’s pursuit of its purpose; state legitimacy is generally understood as the right to rule, for example. When considering legitimacy beyond the state, we have to take account of how differences in purposes change legitimacy. I focus in particular on how differences in purpose matter for the stringency of the standards that an institution must meet in order to be legitimate. An important characteristic of an institution’s purpose is its deontic status, i.e. whether it is morally impermissible, merely permissible, or mandatory. Although this matters, it does so in some non-obvious ways; the mere fact of a morally impermissible purpose is not necessarily delegitimating, for example. I also consider the problem of conflicting, multiple, and contested institutional purposes, and the different theoretical roles for institutional purpose. Understanding how differences in purpose matter for an institution’s legitimacy is one part of the broader project of theorizing institutional legitimacy in the many contexts beyond the traditional context of the state. 相似文献
79.
80.