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101.
中国政治合法性的理念基础及其当代认同——兼论马克思主义指导思想教育的本质 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
徐家林 《上海行政学院学报》2009,(1):22-28
政治合法性是一个普遍存在的问题,理念上的合法是政治合法性的重要基础和来源之一.中国的历代统治者都非常注重统治的合法性理念支持,但他们创造的以"天命"说为核心的意识形态固有的缺陷无法真正保证其统治的合法性,使其难免改朝换代的命运.当代中国,在政治合法性的理念基础构建和宣传方面也曾出现过误区,马克思主义才是当代中国政治合法性理念基础的核心,马克思主义指导思想教育的本质就是实现当代中国政治合法性的理念认同. 相似文献
102.
东南亚华人青年如何看待华人与当地民族的关系 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
本文通过问卷调查的方式分析研究东南亚华人青年对民族关系的看法和态度。结果表明,大多数华人青年认为,他们在政治上认同居住国,但在文化和民族认同方面则仍然保留华人特色 相似文献
103.
刘红凛 《上海行政学院学报》2010,11(3):52-62
政党规范是关于政党的各种规范的总称,其核心问题是如何有效进行政党治理、维护政党政治秩序、促进民主政治发展。政党规范主要包括法律规范、社会规范、内部规范。这三种形式的政党规范既有一定的联系,在价值追求、形式特点、效力范围、实现方式方面又有明显区别。在当今世界,政党政治的复杂性、系统性、多样性,决定了仅靠任何一种规范都难以有效地进行政党治理;只有把政党规范作为一个体系、树立系统的政党治理观,既加强立法、依靠法律来匡正政党行为,也加强政治伦理建设、用伦理秩序来匡扶人心,还要加强政党内部建设、整合党内秩序,做到德法相济、内外相济、各种政党规范相协调,才能构建合理的政党政治秩序、促进民主政治发展。 相似文献
104.
当代中国政治思潮:根源与演进 总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4
刘建军 《江苏行政学院学报》2009,(4):88-95
当代中国政治思潮既是当代中国政治发展的一面镜子,又是驱动当代中国政治发展的重要思想资源.当代中国政治思潮的产生与演进,是与当代中国政治、经济和社会的变动紧密联系在一起的.政治学的恢复、社会变革、知识群体的兴起以及知识生产、传播体系的变化,是刺激当代中国政治思潮产生的直接根源.当代中国政治思潮的演进经历了以下几个阶段:(1)价值重估运动和权威体系改造运动:对改革开放时代的早期回应;(2)国家一社会关系重构运动:对市场化的回应;(3)改革政府运动:对市场化与经济全球化的理性回应;(4)民族主义与民族复兴运动:后冷战时代对全球化的政治回应四个阶段.在不同的历史阶段,当代中国政治思潮具有不同的关怀和政治属性. 相似文献
105.
How should party governments make representative democracy? Much of the democracy representation literature assumes that voters prefer parties to fulfill the promises of their election campaigns, with higher preference for promise-keeping placed on the party a voter supports. That voters agree with these assumptions, however, remains largely unclear and this is the main hypothesis of this article. Within the context of Australia, this article investigates voter preferences regarding three ideal party representative styles: promise-keeping, focus on public opinion, and seeking the common good. Furthermore, it tests whether voters prefer their party – over other parties – to keep their promises. Based on novel and innovative survey data, this study finds that, generally, voters care least about parties keeping their promises and their preferences are unaffected by their party support. These results, if confirmed in other contexts, not only challenge the primacy of promise-keeping, but also the assumed ubiquitous party effect. 相似文献
106.
Consideration set models (CSMs) offer a novel way to study electoral behavior. Until now, they have been mostly studied at the micro-level of the voter's decision process. By contrast, we focus on the implications of CSMs for understanding the phenomenon of party competition. We propose a two hurdle model whereby parties compete for both consideration and selection, pursuant the consideration and choice stages of the CSM. We operationalize these hurdles in terms of a party's inclusivity—is it being considered?—and exclusivity—is it considered on its own?—and formally derive lower- and upper-bounds for the electoral fortunes of the party. We also show how consideration set data can be used to sketch the competition landscape in an election and to characterize the system-wide competitiveness of a political system. We illustrate our concepts and ideas using data from the 2010 Dutch and 2014 Swedish parliamentary elections. 相似文献
107.
Without high‐quality translation of online information about government support and services, refugees and migrants from culturally and linguistically diverse backgrounds in Australia experience a major barrier to improved health, employment, education and social outcomes. Recent advances in the ability of Google Translate, Skype Translator and other forms of machine translation that use artificial intelligence can help translate government information to better support refugees and migrants but they bring the risk of ineffective communication, and exclusion from services that could positively impact on settlement experiences and daily life. Evidence suggests that government agencies are likely to be using human translators for most translation work, but the degree to which any form of information technology is used, how it may be best applied and the associated effects are not known. This study systematically reviewed the peer‐reviewed and grey literature to determine effective ways of using information technology for translating government information to refugees and migrants from culturally and linguistically diverse backgrounds in Australia. Included studies were analysed to identify techniques and other characteristics of translation, information technology and language support more broadly, and outcomes on education, health, social and other refugee and migrant experiences relating to translated information. Our review found a small evidence base featuring studies with strong evaluation demonstrating effective forms of ‘language support’ for refugees and migrants from culturally and linguistically diverse backgrounds in Australia in a broad sense. However, there is a major gap in knowledge that is contributing to barriers in the use of online government information in Australia. In particular, there is an absence of evidence demonstrating what is effective in the use of machine translation with artificial intelligence, websites and other kinds of information technology for translating government information with refugees and migrants from culturally and linguistically diverse backgrounds. The oversight risks further excluding already marginalised groups from services and support. This paper makes a number of suggestions practitioners can take to address the issue and guidelines for future research. 相似文献
108.
Sara Bice Kate Neely Colette Einfeld 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2019,78(2):290-310
The global infrastructure sector is thriving. But community opposition to major projects is also rising. Australian examples demonstrate the policy backflips, reputational pitfalls, and financial costs of project delays and cancellations. Failures to engage communities are surprising, given the widespread adoption of community engagement (CE) principles and the increasing professionalization of CE roles. If acceptance of the need for CE in infrastructure is more widespread than ever, why are we not seeing smoother project delivery, reduced protest, and cost savings? This paradox is the driving force behind the Next Generation Engagement project. This article offers a practitioners’ perspective to introduce the project and present key findings from its 12‐month pilot study aiming to establish a transdisciplinary, industry‐led research agenda for CE in Australia's infrastructure sector. The article contributes to our understanding of CE literature and research codesign. It maps out the top five priority themes for future research to support infrastructure selection, planning and delivery. The research agenda provides guidance for policy, and practice, offering consolidated, research‐based insights for policymakers and practitioners. 相似文献
109.
Baogang He 《公共行政管理与发展》2019,39(3):144-153
The search for a better practice instrument of civic engagement has led to participatory budgeting and deliberative polling in recent years. Participatory budgeting stresses empowerment and citizens' struggle against the establishment and unequal social structures, whereas deliberative polling works within the system and focuses on improving democratic decision‐making processes by applying credible social science methods. Often, these two processes are presented as being in conflict with each other, which is to the detriment of the search for best practice in deliberative governance. This paper develops a theoretical analysis of deliberative participatory budgeting which is distinguished from unrepresentative and non‐deliberative but self‐selected participatory budgeting; that is, it considers how the quality of participatory budgeting can be improved through deliberative polling. This theoretical analysis is backed by an empirical study of deliberative participatory budgeting in Zeguo Township, Zhejiang Province, China. It explores whether, how, and under what conditions it is possible to combine deliberative polling and participatory budgeting. It details four experiments and assesses the successes, failures, limitations, and problems of the experiments. The case of Zeguo offers scholars, activists, and officials lessons about how to pursue best deliberative practice in both authoritarian states and democratic societies. 相似文献
110.
无 《福建省社会主义学院学报》2012,(6):16-24
中国特色政党制度理论体系的理论基础包括三方面:马列主义多党合作思想是中国特色政党制度理论体系的理论渊源;马克思主义中国化的政党理论形成是中国特色政党制度理论体系的直接理论基础,标志着中国特色政党制度理论体系的初步形成;中国特色人民民主理论是中国特色政党制度理论体系的立论基石,是贯穿于整个理论体系的主线。 相似文献