高举中国特色社会主义旗帜不动摇

党的十八大报告科学回答了党在改革发展关键阶段举什么旗帜、走什么道路、保持什么样的精神状态、朝着什么目标继续前进等重大理论和实践问题,为我们继续推动党和国家事业发展指明了前进方向,报告的主题,概括地说就是高举中国特色社会主义伟大旗帜不动摇,坚持和发展中国特色社会主义。这一鲜明的主题,是改革开放以来伟大实践的基本结论和基本经验,体现了当代中国共产党人的政治自觉和政治自信,指明了当代中国发展进步的根本方向和根本目标。     

利益认同：思想政治教育价值实现的基础

利益认同是思想政治教育存在和发展的前提,是实现思想政治教育价值的基础。在新形势下,要以利益认同为基础,促进思想政治教育价值的实现,就必须努力做到以下几点：一是加强义利观教育,引导人们正视各种利益关系;二是建立健全群众利益表达机制;三是从人民群众的切身利益出发,以实际行动全面满足人们合理的物质、精神生活需要。     

The Neglected Nation: The CSU and the Territorial Cleavage in Bavarian Party Politics

This article examines the continuing salience of the territorial cleavage in Bavarian party politics. It does so through an exploration of the Christian Social Union's (CSU) mobilisation of Bavarian identity as part of its political project, which has forced other parties in Bavaria to strengthen their territorial goals and identities. Parties have articulated different constructions of ‘Bavaria’ to rival the CSU's dominant nation-building project. However, they have been unable to portray themselves as ‘standing up for Bavarian interests’ due to the constraints of the state-wide parties to which they belong. As an exclusively Bavarian party, the CSU has no such constraints. Indeed, the CSU's core aim of strengthening Bavaria's position vis-à-vis the German federation may be viewed as akin to that of the Convergència i Unió in Catalonia, Spirit in Flanders or Plaid Cymru in Wales. Like these parties, the case of the CSU in Bavaria demonstrates that sub-state territorial mobilisation has as much to do with negotiating autonomy within the state as seceding from it. To that end, the CSU provides a valuable case of how a regionalist party operating within a multi-level political system has sought to influence the regional, state and European levels to obtain a comparative territorial advantage.     

The Electoral Cycle and Multi-Level Voting in Germany

The aim of this contribution is to analyse whether Land elections may (have) become uncoupled from the federal electoral process, and, if they have, to explore the implications for party competition in Germany. Initially, an overview is presented of the relevant theoretical models that can help unpack the relationship between different electoral arenas. Secondly, how these ideas have been applied to national and sub-national electoral competition in Germany is outlined, before an examination of the 'fit' of the data in both the pre- and post-unification periods. We conclude with reflections on two key features that have regularly surfaced in Gordon Smith's writings: party system change and political stability.     

The German Party System: Eternal Crisis?

Ever since the early years of the Federal Republic, the German debate about political parties and the party system has been almost obsessed with the theme of crisis. Contrary to what seems to be the dominant view from within Germany, this article argues that, by and large, the German party system has performed well. Gordon Smith's centrality thesis can explain why this has been the case. However, there are indications that the future may not be so benign.     

网络组党结社与国家政治安全

网络组党结社是信息化时代秘密结社的一种新型组织形态,具有政治诉求多元、组织发展隐秘、活动方式多变以及成员结构复杂等特性,在一定程度上对国家政治安全有着潜在的威胁和现实危害。分析其活动方式,把握其发展趋势,在此基础上将网络组党结社活动控制在有关职能部门的视线范围内,并依法打击其非法活动,对于维护社会政治稳定和国内安全具有较强的理论意义与现实意义。     

社区自治与社会主义政治文明建设

中国当前的社区自治存在着结构性困境 ,主要表现为制度供给不足 ,行政化倾向严重和居民社区参与意识孱弱。制度建设 ,自治组织建设与重塑 ,社区教育、培养公民的社区意识 ,是完善社区自治 ,推进社会主义政治文明建设的战略举措。     

伊斯兰原教旨主义政治思潮分析

伊斯兰原教旨主义有着悠久的历史 ,从其历史发展表现出的不同特点 ,可以划分出两种类型 ,即传统的原教旨主义和当代原教旨主义。当代原教旨主义兴起于 2 0世纪 60年代 ,90年代以来又得到进一步发展 ,其发展的原因既有霸权主义等外部因素 ,也有伊斯兰世界内部的因素。激进的伊斯兰原教旨主义与恐怖主义的结合对国际社会构成了更大的威胁和破坏     

An Honourable Profession: Public Employees and Identity Construction in Chile, 1880–1920

This paper analyses how public employees at two Chilean government offices constructed their occupational identities. In contrast to the vast majority of previous work, which took the 1920s as its starting point, this study focuses on the period between 1880 and 1920. Additionally, the construction of identity is analysed in direct relation to performance in the workplace. The paper asserts that public criticism of their performance prompted public employees to develop an image of themselves based on the concept of their honourability as competent and honest workers.     

Is Brazil becoming a “boring” country?

The article looks at the condition of Brazil's political system in light of the 1998 electoral results. It critically examines arguments that electoral volatility, political fragmentation and weak institutionalisation have produced a highly unstable political system unsuitable for sound policy‐making and processing change. While not underestimating the influence of electoral rules, it argues that given the combination of political, institutional and economic turmoil of the 1980s, it is not surprising that electoral volatility over the period was amongst the highest in the world. Arguably, however, these factors are now having a diminished impact on the political system, lessening volatility and allowing the emergence of a more institutionalised party system.