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61.
Research on the political development of adolescents is mainly focused on political engagement and attitudes. The more complex relationship between attitudes and voting behavior is less studied among citizens under the legal voting age. We investigate whether there is a link between social attitudes and voting propensities among Flemish adolescents, using data from the Parent–Child Socialization Study 2012. We observe attitude-vote consistency for three Flemish parties with a clear-cut ideological profile – the Green, radical rightist and Flemish Nationalist party. Findings show that adolescents' attitude-vote consistency is reinforced by their level of political sophistication. The correspondence between social attitudes and vote choice, however, is not impressive and significantly lower than among experienced adults, leaving room for other influential factors. 相似文献
62.
Throughout history, those in power have monitored and exercised control over individuals and groups who have been perceived as representing some form of threat to their power. Irrespective of the system of government in place, political crime is a matter of central interest to a society's security police. Political crimes are often committed by extra-parliamentary groups or organizations. The focus of this paper is how the Swedish secret police (SÄPO) have acted against what they have perceived as the extreme left, mainly anarchists and autonomists, during and after the cold war. Did SÄPO's perception of this part of the extra-parliamentary opposition change when the cold war was over in the early 1990s? Were these groups and individuals perceived as the new enemy in the threat vacuum that temporarily arose in the aftermath of the cold war? Furthermore, had the new security concept that was introduced at that time any impact on SÄPO's activities? 相似文献
63.
This paper argues against the search for a general theory of crime causation in comparative criminology. It includes a critique of two advocates of general theory, and offers three propositions which suggest appropriate strategies for theory construction in comparative research. 相似文献
64.
Public opinion matters in environmental policy making. This study examines how individuals form opinions on three distinct environmental topics—climate change, the importance of environmental protection relative to job creation, and wilderness protection. Previous research focusing on environmental concern has yielded conflicting or inconclusive results. We argue that how citizens form attitudes within the environmental domain varies across environmental dimensions and that high information costs cause citizens to engage in heuristic processing to form their opinions. We empirically test our hypothesis by analyzing original data collected from the 2010 Cooperative Congressional Election Survey. We find that with more complex issues, citizens rely on familiar shortcuts such as party identification, ideology, and the media. With less complex issues, demographic factors are predictors of attitudes, lending support to arguments that citizens use familiar shortcuts when processing political and policy information. Related Articles Ripberger, Rabovsky, and Herron. 2011. “Public Opinion and Nuclear Zero: A Domestic Constraint on Ditching the Bomb.” http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2011.00327.x/abstract Elliott‐Teague. 2011. “Public Interests and the Development of Tanzanian Environmental Policy.” http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2011.00318.x/abstract La opinión publica importa al hacer políticas ambientales. Este estudio examina cómo los individuos forman opiniones sobre tres temas ambientales distintos—cambio climático, la importancia del cuidado ambiental respecto a la creación de empleos, y la protección de la vida salvaje. Investigaciones pasadas enfocadas en el cuidado ambiental han producido resultados contradictorios o inconclusos. Nosotros argumentamos que la forma en la que los ciudadanos forman posturas dentro del ámbito ambiental varía a través de las distintas dimensiones ambientales y que altos costos de información causa que los ciudadanos usen reglas heurísticas para procesar la información y formar su opinión. Ponemos a prueba nuestra hipótesis analizando información obtenida del 2010 Cooperative Congressional Election Survey. Encontramos que para temas más complejos los ciudadanos se basan en medios familiares como identificación partidaria, ideología y medios de comunicación. Para temas menos complejos, los factores demográficos pueden predecir las posturas, dando soporte a argumentos que sostienen que los ciudadanos usan atajos familiares para procesar información política y sobre políticas públicas. 相似文献
65.
《Capitalism Nature Socialism》2012,23(4):104-122
ABSTRACTThere is widespread scientific agreement that bees are in global decline of health and/or population due to multiple factors, including loss of habitat, lack of wildflowers, and pesticides. Throughout Europe and North America, a debate has been raging about the effects of neonicotinoid pesticides on bees and other pollinators. This debate not only involves farmers, beekeepers, agrochemical corporations, and government officials but it also has captured the imagination of everyday people who are concerned with the plight of pollinators. This has led to a growing demand that neonicotinoid pesticides be banned or restricted. In 2015 Ontario, the largest province in Canada put in place a partial ban on this class of pesticides. In this paper, I will argue that agrochemical corporations intervened in multiple ways in the debate about neonicotinoid pesticides in Ontario, potentially weakening the legislation. Agrochemical corporations were heavily represented in the Ontario Bee Health Working Group and were consulted by government ministries throughout the process. Industry groups also worked with large farmers’ organizations to shape the narrative about the impact of a neonicotinoid ban on farmers. While the agrochemical industry has considerable power and influence, there exists some hopeful possibilities for an agroecological counter-narrative that posits small-scale farmers as stewards of biodiversity. 相似文献
66.
EMMA R. NORMAN 《Politics & Policy》2012,40(3):403-423
Harry Potter's boggarts arouse our deepest fears and shape‐shift according to those fears. Consequently, nobody knows what this magical monster really looks like—adding to our insecurities. The striking parallels with international issues involve fear and (in)security as the central forces driving state behavior, and how to confront shape‐shifting nonstate sources of violence. Yet examining the connections between identity and violence in the boggart metaphor problematizes several assumptions underpinning constructivism and realism. Using Schmitt's “friend–enemy” distinction, I argue that it is not a Hobbesian freedom from fear of violent death that motivates the search for security, but the fear of not belonging to a clearly defined group. For it is not the dread that an international boggart will kill us that makes it so paralyzing, but it's the lack of a clear identity that renders “other” and “self” indistinguishable. In a world where globalization has blurred state‐oriented differentiation of (national) self and (foreign) other, Schmitt's theory of identity proves particularly valuable. Related Articles in this Politics & Policy Symposium Mena Alemán. 2012. “Editor's Introduction to the Symposium: Politics, Policy, and Harry Potter.”Politics & Policy 40 (3). http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2012.00355.x/abstract Norman and Delfin. 2012. “Wizards under Uncertainty: Cognitive Biases, Threat Assessment, and Misjudgments in Policy Making.”Politics & Policy 40 (3). http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2012.00356.x/abstract Grijalva. 2012. “Deconstructing the Grand Narrative in Harry Potter: Inclusion/Exclusion and Discriminatory Policies in Fiction and Practice.”Politics & Policy 40 (3). http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2012.00358.x/abstract Related Media Film Clips: “The Boggart.” 2001. http://archive.org/details/TheBoggart George W. Bush. 2002. “State of the Union Address.” http://www.americanrhetoric.com/speeches/stateoftheunion2002.htm Course Syllabus: Harry Potter and International Politics: Identity, Violence, and Social Control. http://ipsonet.org/data/files/psoproceedings16.pdf(7‐18) Los boggarts en Harry Potter despiertan nuestros más profundos miedos y cambian de forma de acuerdo a ellos. Por lo tanto, nadie sabe realmente cuál es el aspecto de estos monstros mágicos—lo cual aumenta nuestras inseguridades. Las notables semejanzas con asuntos internacionales actuales se relacionan al uso del miedo y la (in)seguridad como la principal fuerza motivando el comportamiento del estado, y así como la forma en la que se confronta la naturaleza elusiva de fuentes de violencia provenientes de actores no estatales. Sin embargo, al examinar las conexiones entre la identidad colectiva y la violencia en la metáfora de los boggarts conlleva a cuestionarse un número de supuestos fundamentales para el constructivismo y el realismo. Usando la “distinción amigo‐enemigo” de Schmitt, establezco que nuestra búsqueda por seguridad no es motivada por una libertad hobbesiana derivada del temor a una muerte violenta; sino por una necesidad de pertenecer (o miedo a no pertenecer) a un grupo claramente definido. Ya que un boggart internacional no es paralizante por el miedo a ser ultimado por este, sino la falta de una identidad clara que vuelve a “otros” y “uno mismo” indistinguible. En un mundo donde la globalización ha difuminado los medios tradicionales usados por el estado para diferenciar el yo (nacional) de los otros (extranjeros), la teoría de la identidad de Schmitt demuestra ser particularmente útil. 相似文献
67.
Andrew Ford 《Family Court Review》2011,49(3):642-656
Emotional abuse of children with Gender Identity Disorder by parents is very difficult to identify and prevent. State investigators of abuse and neglect often have a hard time determining if the reasons for mental illness and psychological harm in children are due to the actions of their parents, or if they stem from other sources. Once identified, it becomes even harder to prove in court for purposes of ordering services or removing the child from the home if the abuse is severe enough. With children who are gender non‐conforming, this task becomes exponentially more difficult due to the low prevalence rate, discrimination, stereotypes, and a parent's right to bring up their child as they choose. These youth face discrimination and violence in school, work, their communities, and also within their own families. Emotional abuse statutes are too vague to protect youth who are gender non‐conforming. The vague and unclear laws lead to inconsistency in the application of the law and lack of protection of the children because judges and investigators are not aware of how parent's actions harms youth with gender identity disorder. Therefore, states should adopt the model statute within this Note which defines specific actions by parents which would not qualify as abuse when involving gender conforming youth but qualifies as abuse for children with gender identity disorder. Many states already have statutes which define physical abuse, sexual abuse and abandonment by specific actions by parents towards their children. This proposal will enable both the state and the judges to properly identify victims with gender identity disorder of emotional abuse and provide for their protection. 相似文献
68.
G. DOUG DAVIS 《Politics & Policy》2011,39(3):401-419
Regional trade institutions increase the local market size and attract higher foreign direct investment (FDI) inflows. The new economic geography provides the theoretical model for evaluating the spatial distribution of foreign capital within a multistate market. In this article, a fixed‐effects cross‐sectional time series regression examines 109 states from 1980‐2005. The study's findings are that multilateral regional trade institutions are more likely to attract FDI inflows, and the gains in FDI inflows are highest in states with the strongest regional economy. Las instituciones de comercio regional incrementan el tamaño del mercado local y atraen una cantidad mayor de inversión extranjera directa (IED). La nueva geografía económica provee un modelo teorético para evaluar la distribución física de capital extranjero dentro de un Mercado multinacional. Una regresión de serie temporal examina ciento nueve estados de 1980 a 2005. Instituciones de comercio regional multilaterales tienen más probabilidades de atraer flujos de IED y los estados con una economía regional más fuerte tienen los mayores beneficios por el flujo de IED. 相似文献
69.
Svetluša Surova 《Nationalities Papers》2013,41(6):1081-1100
Identity has been treated in relevant literature predominantly as a dynamic, fluid, multidimensional, and ongoing process. Currently, identity is viewed as a process, as something achieved, and as a product of social relations. Scholars have acknowledged that members of minorities and diasporas can have very complex multiple identities, which are both dependent on social context and changeable over time. This article explores the national and ethnic identifications of Slovaks living in Serbia. Its main objective is to examine how the members of the Slovak diaspora identify themselves and what kind of national and ethnic awareness and pride they hold. As well, this paper explores their opinions and attitudes on language and cultural identity. This study used a web-based survey and basic statistics. The results of the explorative study indicate that members of the Slovak diaspora living in Serbia have multiple identities that coexist, do not conflict, and vary in their importance for respondents. Distinct national and ethnic identifications are perceived in different ways and have divergent emotional intensities. This study proposes further research on the importance of civic and ethnic values and on different perceptions of identity, citizenship, length of residency, and minority rights for collective identifications of minorities and/or diasporas. 相似文献
70.
Diane Tong 《Nationalities Papers》2013,41(3):413-427
National identity is constructed through successive identifications with significant Others. This article discusses the phenomenon of change and continuity in Czech identity. It is focused here on the identification towards the EU, which has become the most significant Other of today in two ways: (a) (change) contributing to overcoming the identity crisis provoked by the drastic changes that occurred between 1989 and 1993 (change of regime, disappearance of the USSR and the break-up of Czechoslovakia), and therefore the subsequent drastic changes in relations with past significant Others: communism, the USSR, and the Slovaks; and (b) (continuity) reaffirming one of the fundamental elements during the national revival in the nineteenth century, democracy, upon which the various identifications towards the EU have been aligned. According to the differing interpretations of what democracy means, and three other criteria of the “levels of Othering,” the EU has been “imagined,” on the one hand, as an entity where Czechs can flourish in their identity and ensure their freedom and democratic values (positive Other), and, on the other, as an “oppressor” entity which portrays democratic deficit, restricts freedom, and threatens Czech national identity (negative Other). 相似文献