论新自由主义与我国青年的主流意识形态认同

作为影响当代中国最为主要的西方社会思潮之一,近年来,新自由主义在我国的传播表现出传播领域生活化、传播方式大众化、传播内容感性化等特点。新自由主义的观点和主张会对我国青年群体的主流意识形态认同造成负面影响,这些影响主要包括消解部分青年对于马克思主义的信仰、动摇部分青年对于社会主义制度的信心、改变部分青年的集体主义价值取向,以及扭曲部分青年的公平正义观念等等。为加强我国青年群体的主流意识形态认同,可以考虑从创新模式、传播方式和本土化这样三个方面来推进主流意识形态领域的改革,以此来确保马克思主义在我国青年群体精神生活领域的主导地位。     

论汉阳民居的地域文化特征

建筑是人类文化的一个重要载体,具有文化纪念碑的意义。民居是在特定的地域空间里代代延续下来的居住建筑,积历代人之智慧,比其他建筑类型更具备地域文化的原生态性,文化符号更加突出、鲜明。我国不同地域的民居呈现出不同的风貌,这在四川青神汉阳得到具体体现。该地民居呈现鲜明的巴蜀文化特色。     

台湾选民的政党认同——基于2004、2008、2012年三次“总统”选举的分析

经过2004年到2012年三次“总统”选举,台湾选民的政党认同逐渐结构化。新党、亲民党的认同者迅速下滑,“台联党”亦然,国民党认同的比例上升,民进党认同的比例则保持稳定,“中间选民”的比例逐步下降。在国民党和民进党认同者中,持强烈认同的比例不断上升,较弱认同的比例不断下降。从蓝绿两大政党看,年龄和受教育程度已非影响政党认同的显著因素,国家（族群）认同以及统“独”立场始终是影响政党认同的最重要因素,阶级地位具有显著影响,但是其影响力远不及国家（族群）认同以及统“独”立场。     

女性的身体 国家的目光——国际运动会礼仪小姐研究

本文在"身体—文化象征身份—民族国家"的框架下论述了微观权力机制下礼仪小姐的公共性别身份的建构。一方面,礼仪小姐在与民族国家的互动中实现了身体资本的理性运作,这体现在对身体的自我评估和对男性他者评定的认同上,但在公共父权制下,身体的主体性淹没在力图使之客体化的微观权力的技术策略中;另一方面,公共父权的凝视和民族国家的责任话语借助礼仪小姐的自我规训而建构起她们作为民族国家文化象征的性别身份。     

论思想政治理论课批判性建构教学理念

思想政治理论课教学要正确引导学生分析社会现实,以解决学生的"思想认识问题",因此需要坚持批判性建构教学理念。批判性建构教学理念强调:教学要将学生的"思想认识问题"和"社会现实"相关联,通过对否面的社会现实问题进行"批判"来实现学生思想认识上的正面"建构",从而实现思想政治理论课教学目的。     

Vota por tu Futuro: Partisan Mobilization of Latino Voters in the 2000 Presidential Election

Over the past two presidential elections, the major parties have been making a push at appealing to Latinos, airing over 3000 political advertisements in Spanish in the 2000 presidential election. In this paper, we ask whether the political ads used in the 2000 election had any effect on Latino turnout. We argue that the effectiveness of ads on the likelihood of turnout depends on how targeted the ad is to Latinos and the individual’s process of acculturation. We test our hypotheses using data from the Campaign Media Analysis Group, merged with data from the 2000 National Annenberg Election Survey. We find that the effectiveness of the ads on the likelihood of turnout was mediated by the individual’s dominant language, which is taken as a proxy for the process of acculturation.

科学发展观指导下的大学生思想政治教育方法创新

2004年10月,中共中央国务院发出《关于进一步加强和改进思想政治教育的意见》,强调指出,大学生是十分宝贵的人才资源,是民族的希望,是祖国的未来。加强和改进大学生思想政治教育,提高他们的思想政冶素质,探索大学生思想政治教育的方法,把他们培养成中国特色社会主义事业的建设者和接班人,加快推进社会主义现代化的宏伟目标,确保中国特色社会主义事业兴旺发达,具有重大而深远的战略意义。     

Why are highly informed citizens sceptical of referenda?

Past work on attitudes toward the use of referenda finds that the most politically informed citizens are more sceptical of its use than their less informed counterparts. An intriguing tension presents itself in that those citizens who may be best equipped for referendum voting, the highly informed and politically sophisticated, are the least likely to support the use of this tool of direct democracy. Using data from Canadian Election Studies, we consider three explanations for relative referenda scepticism among political sophisticates. Our analyses provide evidence to support a confidence in government explanation and a concern for minority rights explanation, but not an incompetent public explanation – a curious finding considering the centrality of citizen competence in the theoretical literature on referenda.     

Postcolonial strangers in a cosmopolitan world: hybridity and citizenship in the Franco-Maghrebian borderland

Current critical theorizations within citizenship studies on the condition of migrants and refugees celebrate the nomadic dimension of the contemporary migrant/refugee figure and assign her the potential to disrupt hegemonic practices of capital and state-centric citizenship. However, such enthusiastic accounts need to exercise a sense of caution in conceptualizing the fragile and unstable condition of the migrant, and need to distinguish between various experiences of mobility, hybridity, and citizenship. Such a differentiation between these different lived experiences of citizenship echoes Aihwa Ong's critique of the ‘unified moralism attached to subaltern subjects [that] now also clings to diasporan ones, who are invariably assumed to be members of oppressed classes and therefore constitutionally opposed to capitalism and state power’. My analysis points to how class, race and language structure various experiences of mobility and citizenship and make tenuous easy celebrations of postcolonial hybridity within critical re-configurations of citizenship. I argue that practices of postcolonial mobility in the Franco-Maghrebian context have produced differentiated and unequal hybridities, and, consequently, asymmetrical experiences of citizenship. By distinguishing between various practices of mobility and hybridity, I indicate that postcolonial hybridity can also be employed to re-constitute the rigid boundaries of nation and citizenship.     

The politics of other citizens

In all kinds of political action, citizens are confronted with the performances of other citizens. An important guide to political behaviour is therefore likely to be the assumptions people make concerning how others can be expected to behave. This article explores common sense ideas about other citizens as potential political participants, drawing on a series of group interviews conducted with taxi-drivers in Britain, Germany and the Czech Republic. I argue the expectations voiced of other citizens tend to be pessimistic in nature, casting them as ill-informed, apathetic, passive and unduly self-interested, notwithstanding the appearance of a more optimistic view which holds they can be expected to follow the lead of those who ‘take a stand’. These empirical observations lead to a discussion of the theoretical issues they raise, notably where to locate the origins of such views, and how to appraise their implications for democracy.