增量政治改革与社会主义政治文明建设

分析了政治文明以及中国特色的社会主义政治文明的定义、要素和基本特征,指出增量政治改革或增量民主是建立社会主义政治文明的主要途径。着重论述了增量民主的概念、意义、内容、要点,以及通过增量民主所要达到的治理和善治目标。最后,还试图建立起一套评估中国民主治理的指标体系。     

政治决策的成本和风险分析

政治决策冲突是萨托利冲突理论的重要组成部分。对这个问题的研究填补了冲突政治学理论体系的空白,开辟了一个崭新的研究视角。萨托利认为研究政治决策冲突问题必然要涉及外部政治风险、决策成本、决策体制、多数原则、选择强度、政治透明度等问题,而这些因素同时也都是政治冲突理论的基本问题,搞清楚这些冲突与这些因素之间的互动关系,对于深化对政治冲突理论的理解具有重要价值。不仅对萨托利的相关研究成果进行了全面总结,更主要的是通过对这一理论的深入和系统的分析使其更趋完善,使其明确化、理论化、体系化。     

日本民主党实现政权交替可能性分析

"政党不信"与民主党突起,2003年日本众议院选举形成了民主党与自民党对峙的两大政党格局。然而,从众议院选举以及政党的分化过程来看,民主党实现政权交替的条件尚未成熟。其一,民主党的选举纲领,与英国政党比较,基本沿用了传统的"选举后模式",还未能向"政策选择可能性"的政权纲领转换;其二,由于在野党分崩离析与整合困境,民主党尚未形成强大的政权交替的推动力量;其三,在以小选举区制为中心的选举制度下,自民党"一党超强"地位仍未改变。     

DOES DROPPING OUT OF SCHOOL MEAN DROPPING INTO DELINQUENCY?*

Approximately one third of U.S. high‐school freshmen do not earn their high‐school diploma on time. For African‐American and Hispanic students, this figure nearly reaches one half. The long‐term economic consequences of dropping out of school for both the student and the larger community have been well documented. It has also been argued that school dropouts put themselves at a higher risk for delinquent and criminal behavior when they leave school. Although it seems plausible that dropping out might increase the potential for delinquent conduct, another view states that dropping out is simply the final event in a long, gradual process of disenchantment and disengagement from school. Dropouts show evidence of school failure and developmental problems years in advance. It has been argued, therefore, that the actual event of finally leaving school has no causal effect on criminal or delinquent behavior because it has been so long in coming. In this article, we examine the effect of leaving school early, and the reason for dropping out, on delinquent behavior with the use of panel data models from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 1997 Cohort (NLSY97). Through an appeal to identity theory, we hypothesize that the effect of dropping out is not uniform but varies by the reason for leaving school, gender, and time. This conjecture receives only partial empirical support. Implications for future work in the area are discussed.     

The Effects of Household Corrosive Chemicals on Human Dentition*

Abstract: There is a gap in the literature concerning the chemical effects that household products may produce on human remains. The present study examines the effects of household chemical products on teeth. A total of eight chemicals were utilized for this experiment. The corrosive chemical categories include: hydrochloric acid, sulfuric acid, phosphoric acid, and sodium hydroxide. Two products with each chemical were used, each representing varying concentrations of the corrosive product. Two human teeth were allocated for emergence in the chemical throughout a 24‐h period of exposure. Results demonstrate hydrochloric acid as the most detrimental chemical to the dental samples. Sulfuric acid enacted minimal alterations to the teeth, although some etching and discoloration were noticeable. Phosphoric acid resulted in variable changes of the organic and inorganic contents of teeth. Lastly, exposure of sodium hydroxide resulted in little to no change. As hypothesized, distinct effects are observable of each chemical.     

Digital identity – The legal person?

This paper examines the concept of digital identity which the author asserts is now evident in the United Kingdom as a consequence of the Identity Cards Act (UK) 2006 and the National Identity Scheme it establishes. The nature and functions of the concept, particularly the set of information which constitutes an individual's transactional identity, are examined. The paper then considers the central question of who, or what, is the legal person in a transaction i.e. who or what enters into legal relations. The analysis presents some intriguing results which were almost certainly not envisaged by the legislature. The implications extend beyond the United Kingdom to similar schemes in other jurisdictions, and to countries, like Australia, which may implement such a scheme.     

台湾文学场域的中国文化属性

文学场域是由影响文学作品生产、流通、消费等的各种因素所构成的有机系统,作为元场域的文化场决定着它的性质和走向.台湾的文学场域是在传统的中国文化环境中生成与发展的,它从诞生的那一天起就打上了深深的中国烙印.中国传统文化是台湾文学的灵魂,为台湾文学的发展提供了源源不断的精神养料.     

At Boiling Point: Like Water for Chocolate and the Boundaries of Mexican Identity

Abstract — This article explores the mechanisms of Mexican identity as they are constructed in Alfonso Arau's film Como agua para chocolate (1991) (Like Water for Chocolate). In re-designing the characters of Laura Esquivel's novel, Arau produces a range of filmic stereotypes drawn from both the Hollywood and the Mexican traditions of film-making. Through the careful manipulation of filmic devices such as editing, framing and close-ups, many of the features of Mexican otherness perpetuated by Hollywood throughout the twentieth century are inscribed. I apply the metaphor of boiling, derived from the film's title, to examine certain key concepts of cinematic 'mexicanness' including the tropes of 'revolution', 'border', 'race' and 'sex'. Crucial to this argument is a consideration of the contemporary political climate in which Like Water for Chocolate was both produced and released. In Mexico, it was released halfway through the sexenio (six-year period of rule) of President Carlos Salinas de Gortari's rule and is clearly one of the most succesful cultural products (and exports) of his government's now infamous rule. In the United States, the climate of anti-immigrant attitudes in 1992 and 1993 and the corresponding political tension provokes new readings of certain stereotypical images of Mexicans and mexicanness. It is the tension that is produced by the collision between these two contexts — cultural, political and ethnic — that forms the principal focus of discussion in this article.     

社会主义政治的实践本质

社会主义政治在本质上是实践的。因此,应当以马克思主义实践的观点和方法研究社会主义政治现实基础和运动过程,说明这个运动过程的历史逻辑、价值趋向和人在政治历史中的能动作用,描绘人的政治活动在理论批判、政治决策、政治制度建构和变革诸方面的展开。相对于政治实践和现实的政治关系而言,政治观念、政治制度不是本原,不是政治研究的基本前提和出发点。当代中国的马克思主义政治理论应当研究中国社会主义政治实践提出的现实问题。     

Overlapping polarization: On the contextual determinants of the interplay between ideological and affective polarization

Previous literature has distinguished two types of polarization: ideological and affective. However, little is known on how the interconnection of these two polarizations (which we call overlapping polarization) varies depending on the political context. Is affective polarization always associated with ideological polarization? What is the role of the institutional framework (i.e., democratic age and popular election of the head of state) and the party system (i.e., elite polarization and number of parties) in determining how wide this overlap is? This article examines the contextual determinants of overlapping polarization by using information from the four first CSES waves. According to our analyses, the individual-level positive effect of ideological polarization on affective polarization is stronger when the party system is ideologically polarized and in older democracies, and is weaker in presidential democracies and when the number of parties is higher.