Economic sanctions and the rhetorical responses of totalitarian regimes: Examining North Korean rhetorical strategies, 1949–2010

This study investigates the impact of economic statecraft on the North Korean Government. As a totalitarian regime, which is characterized by a controlled mass media, the North Korean Government tries to contain potential problems caused by sanctions by using three types of political rhetoric: appeasement, backlash, and surveillance. Using time-series data from 1949 to 2010 derived from a content analysis of the New Year's Day addresses by Kim Il Sung, Kim Jong Il, and Kim Jong Un, the empirical results suggests that the North Korean Government does alter its rhetorical strategies in response to external economic sanctions. Negative sanctions cause the regime to use appeasement strategies (or calls for reforms and internal changes). It tends to use backlash rhetoric (or blaming the sanctioning powers) in response to, interestingly, positive sanctions. Surveillance rhetoric, or the call for internal vigilance against enemies, on the other hand, does not have any statistical connection with sanctions, rather driven by other factors, such as the Korean War, external instability, and so on.     

转型时期泰国政治力量的结构分析

在发展中国家由传统社会向民主化转型过程中,国家政治力量结构呈现出新旧交替、传统与现代的博弈局面.作为国家政治结构的主要力量,官僚阶层、军队与政党之间存在着一种动态的三角关系.在泰国的政治结构中,官僚阶层是基本的和不变的常量,军队始终发挥着重要的干预变量角色,而政党是一种集合性变量.本文通过分析泰国三大政治力量的结构及相互关系,推演出泰国现当代政治格局发展的基本规律.     

试析中国与斯里兰卡关系的发展

中国与斯里兰卡的交往历史悠久.1949年中华人民共和国成立后,双方的联系进一步加强,并呈现出经济联系促进政治交往、政治交往转而带动经济交流的特征.进入21世纪后,两国在各个方面的联系得到进一步发展,两国关系进入一个新的发展阶段.     

努力加强马克思主义的理论功底

在新形势下 ,面对各项繁重任务 ,作为领导干部 ,只有加强马克思主义的理论功底 ,才能真正认清人类社会发展的客观规律 ,坚持正确的政治信念 ;只有加强马克思主义的理论功底 ,才能敏锐分辨各种错误思想和政治倾向 ,坚持正确的政治观点 ;只有加强马克思主义的理论功底 ,才能在实际工作中全面贯彻执行党的基本路线 ,坚持正确的政治方向 ;只有加强马克思主义的理论功底 ,才能时刻代表最广大人民的根本利益 ,坚持正确的政治立场。     

Self-exclusion as a strategy of inclusion: the case of Shas

Among the many paradoxes of Israeli politics, there are the strategies of political inclusion used by organizations and parties representing groups that reject the universalism which Israeli democracy is heir to. This paper develops a model of ‘political inclusion Israeli-style’, illustrated by one party, Shas, which since 1984 proclaims itself the voice of the socially and culturally excluded Sephardi population of north African and Middle Eastern Jews, who represent over 40% of the Jewish population. Shas is also a movement of religious and ethnic revival which, by adopting a social strategy of self-exclusion grounded in strict religious observance, and of independence vis-à-vis established Ashkenazi ultra-Orthodox politics, has gained 11 out of 120 Knesset seats, inclusion in government, and control over a share of educational and welfare expenditure. The paper raises the issue whether such less-than-perfectly universalistic practices are not a variety of corporatism and possibly, for the parties concerned, a more effective strategy of incorporation than the classic social democratic path.     

区县人大代表选举中的选民参与——对北京选民的追踪调查与比较分析

对北京选民进行长达10年的追踪调查说明,区县人大代表选举过程之中,选民在参与态度和行为模式上有以下一些基本特征:(1)选民参与总体上处于比较积极的水平;(2)选民的参与程度和参与方式都比较有限;(3)近10年来选民的参与态度和行为模式均处于快速变迁过程之中;(4)态度和行为的变迁具有非均衡性。这些特征从一个侧面反映了社会转型期中国政治文化变迁的一些基本逻辑     

士气实时信息系统建设探略

进入新世纪,围绕战场全维空间认知优势的战略竞争趋向深化。有效获取战场士气态势实时信息,以便在第一时间有效实施士气调控,正在成为一体化联合作战指挥系统的重要认知需求。面对新军事变革的这一挑战,我军政治工作应以科学发展观的眼界和智慧,洞察时机,适时启动有中国特色的士气实时信息系统研发工程,积极打造能够满足未来一体化联合作战需要的“军情认知利器”。     

政治文明视野下公民参与公共管理初探

公民政治参与是实现政治民主的保证。在我国,公民参与公共管理有法制保障、经济保障、文化保障和制度保障,但受一些因素影响,我国公民参与公共管理仍有不足。应当在增强公民政治参与的物质基础,构建公民文化,进行政治体制改革,积极培育第三部门建设等方面完善我国公民参与公共管理。     

政府职能转变与非营利组织发展辩证关系初探

我国正处于经济社会的转轨时期,市场经济的进一步发展要求转变政府职能。然而,市场并非政府职能转变的唯一承载者,政府的某些社会职能应当且只能由非市场主体承担。本文试图就我国政府职能转变对非营利组织发展的影响以及二者之间的相互关系做出分析,以期证明发展非营利组织是实现政府职能转变的一个重要途径。     

Issue clarity in electoral competition. Insights from Austria

This paper analyses parties' policy supply in electoral campaigns. In so doing, it proposes to look at issue clarity which is defined as the share of objectively testable pledges within an election manifesto. The main argument states that parties not only decide their positions and issue saliencies, but also the level of specificity with which they present their policies. The data come from Austria (1990–2008) and, thus, provide a good example for a Western European multi-party system with proportional representation. The analyses show that extreme parties present manifestos with higher issue clarity compared to moderate parties. Furthermore, this result is strengthened by a party's role in government. Issue ownership, however, seems to have no effect on issue clarity.