强化九个意识,努力开创公安高校学生思想政治教育新局面

开创公安高校学生思想政治教育新局面,应找准切入点和结合点。要在思想观念上与时俱进,强化“阵地”意识、育人意识、以人为本意识、“三贴近”意识、实践教育意识、“载体”意识、养成教育意识、为人师表意识和开拓创新意识。     

'No! I'm Not a Refugee!' The Poetics of Be-Longing among Young Oromos in Toronto

This paper presents some findings from an empirical study carriedout with young Oromos living in Toronto. To capture the complexitiesof negotiating be-longing, the paper offers dispersal–affinity—anew conceptual framework empirically grounded in an innovativemethodological design. Using participants' narratives in theempirical material, the paper contests the dualism created betweenessentialist and constructionist perspectives. It employs dispersal–affinityto explore participants' understandings of ‘the refugee’and the wider processes of refugeeization and refugee be-longing.Findings suggest that be-longing is a project of selfhood thatis both fixed and constantly shifting. It is argued that be-longingis constructed from the same movements of selfhood within andthrough social relationships. Young Oromos employ both essentialistand constructionist discourses to weave multiple layers of fixedand mobile be-longing. Implications for refugee studies arediscussed wherein dispersal–affinity is offered to criticallyengage the recent debate on ‘deceit and trickery’among refugees.     

现代性与性别身份--麦克因斯性别理论研究

麦克因斯的性别理论揭示了现代性与性别身份的关系,并认为性别主导着文化的各个方面,现代性的矛盾冲突在于为真正平等的公共权利而进行的持续、艰巨的斗争.该理论认为,现代资本主义的自由政治,系统地瓦解了父权制,为女性斗争创造了条件,同时,反对把"个人的"看作"政治的",提出只有在一种更平等的性别分工前提下,才能谈社会性别身份的解放和发展自我人格等话题.     

Political Disagreement in Context: The Conditional Effect of Neighborhood Context, Disagreement and Political Talk on Electoral Participation

Despite scholarly interest in determining how exposure to disagreeable political ideas influences political participation, existing research supports few firm conclusions. This paper argues that these varied findings stem from an implicit model of contextual influence that fails to account for the indirect effect of aggregate social contexts. A model of contextual influence is outlined which implies that the neighborhood partisan context moderates the effect of political disagreement in social networks on campaign participation. The evidence shows that network disagreement demobilizes people who are the political minority in their neighborhood, but has no influence on people in the majority. When viewed together, these findings indicate that a person’s relationship to the broader political environment sets distinctive network processes in motion.

The Rise and Fall of Political Engagement among Latinos: The Role of Identity and Perceptions of Discrimination

This study analyzes how perceptions of discrimination against oneself and/or one’s group and whether one self-identifies in national (American), national origin, or panethnic terms affect levels of political engagement among Latinos in the United States. The findings show that perceptions of discrimination against oneself are particularly damaging in that they promote both behavioral and attitudinal alienation (e.g., non-voting and lack of trust), especially among Latinos who identify primarily as American. Behavioral alienation can be mitigated, and even overcome, when perceptions of discrimination are accompanied by a panethnic or national origin self-identification. However, the attitudinal alienation created by perceptions of discrimination is not mitigated by any type of self-identification. These findings shed light on understudied factors that affect political engagement that are going to become more important to understand as the American population continues its ethnic diversification. In addition to expanding our knowledge of political engagement generally, this study also raises important questions about whether the adoption of an American self-identification is in fact beneficial for the health of our participatory political system as a whole.     

贴近青少年生活关注青少年成长--《中国青年政治学院学报》"青少年研究"栏目追踪评析

<中国青年政治学院学报>创刊20多年来,已形成鲜明的"贴近青少年生活关注青少年成长"的特色.其首要栏目"青少年研究"突出地反映了这一特色.主要表现在全面关注青少年的成长,始终把青少年思想政治、思想道德教育问题放在首位;对青少年政策与青少年弱势群体特别关注.学报现已树立起中国青年理论与实践的权威性刊物的独特学术形象,成为推动未成年人思想道德建设的一个学术阵地.     

“群众性政党”的提出与中共四大的作用

"群众性政党"的目标,出于共产国际四大。由于当时中国共产党尚处于幼年 时期,党的力量和影响都不大,因而遭到共产国际代表马林的轻视,反对将中国共产党建 设成群众性的政党,并把中国革命的希望寄托于国民党身上。中共四大根据建设群众性政 党的目标,加强了党的建设,使党开始走上群众性政党的道路。"五卅"运动的成功,标志着 中国共产党发展成为群众性的政党。     

全球化、民主与现代政治文明问的“对话”

全球化作为一个过程,它具有结构性影响力,反映了以权力为中心的网络状的制度关系。在全球化背景下,作为政治文明重要内容的民主,得到了深度拓展,但民主模式远没有达到一体化的程度,因而从政治交往层面来说,"相互对话"是文明体之间关系的重要特征。文章在最后一部分,从五个方面解说了在全球化背景下,有多种因素促进了政治文明间的"对话"。     

The Role of Epistemic Cognition in Adolescent Identity Formation: Further Evidence

Following Boyes and Chandler (1992), it is investigated how adolescents’ epistemic understanding relates to the process of identity formation. In a cross-sectional as well as longitudinal study, identity status scores of diffusion, foreclosure, moratorium and identity achievement as assessed by the Extended Objective Measure of Ego Identity Status were analyzed as a function of adolescents’ epistemic stance, while simultaneously taking into account individual differences in identity processing styles. The cross-sectional sample was composed of 200 German adolescents from Grades 7, 9, 11, and 13 (mean age: 16.2 years, SD = 2.41). The longitudinal study consisted of 134 participants (mean age at retest: 16.5 years, SD = 1.7) and covered a time interval of 18 months. Findings confirmed the view that the development of epistemic cognition contributes to adolescent identity formation. Specifically, the development of a multiplistic epistemic stance predicted higher moratorium scores, whereas the more advanced evaluativist epistemic position contributed to identity achievement over time. These effects were not due to individual differences in identity processing style.     

Chechen ethnic identity: assessing the shift from resistance to submission

This article critically assesses the ostensible transformation in Chechen ethnic identity. Journalists and scholars who came to this conclusion based their claim on obvious changes in Chechen behavior. The brave and irreconcilable resistance the nation demonstrated during the First and the Second Russo-Chechen Wars of 1994–1996 and 1999–2009, respectively, was replaced by a submissive and loyal stance with regard to the new authorities and recent enemies. This article investigates whether such a change in behavior reflects a corresponding change in ethnic identity. This article asserts that ‘non-Chechen’ behavioral models do not signify changes in Chechen ethnic identity by presenting and analyzing Chechen narratives concerning the question. In summary, this article concludes that the ethnic identity of the nation remained mainly untouched. This conclusion is supported by the observed continuity of Chechen resistance, which has always been driven by cherished values such as freedom.