扩大政治参与与政治和谐

政治参与是社会主义政治文明建设的重要内容,政治和谐是政治文明建设所要达到的理想目标,在一般情况下,扩大公民政治参与有助于政治和谐,但是二者的关系是复杂的。必须正确地处理二者的关系,才能形成扣谐的政治局面,为构建社会主义和谐社会打下坚实的政治基础。     

In Times of Crisis: The Conditions of Pocketbook Effects

When and how will personal financial (aka “pocketbook”) concerns drive citizens’ political decisions? Scholars remain puzzled by the mismatch between the expectation that pocketbook voting should occur and the reality that, according to most findings, it usually does not. Using original survey data collected immediately after Iceland’s second “Icesave” referendum (2011), I first report the results of an embedded experiment that successfully evokes greater pocketbook concern. Next, I analyze the determinants of retrospective pocketbook evaluations, showing that priming effects are conditioned by political sophistication such that high sophisticates are among the most likely to report negative economic assessments. I then turn to the consequences of these egocentric views for government approval. Mediation analysis confirms a significant indirect effect, suggesting that subjective pocketbook evaluations exert a strong influence on political attitudes that has been hidden in prior work. Results illuminate the contextual, cognitive, and causal circumstances under which pocketbook effects transpire and suggest new ways in which self-interest might matter for attitudes toward international political economy issues.     

印尼山口洋的客家人——海外客家人的社会变迁之一

印尼是海外华人最多的一个国家。在印尼的华人中,客家人约占了30-40%,因此,也可以说印尼是海外客家人最多的一个国家。印尼的客家人,尤其是聚居在印尼外岛地区的客家人,虽然在海外已经生活了几代人甚至十几代人,但仍然保留了比较浓重的客家人特征,或者叫客家特性。本文主要探讨居住在山口洋市的客家人的社会变迁和文化适应,探究他们的生活方式,研究这里的客家人与其他华人的差别。     

动员与整合:群众路线实践的政治过程

群众路线是共产党的根本工作路线和组织路线的统一,是被经验证明正确的党的认识路线。中国共产党与人民群众的互动过程即群众路线的实践过程,这一过程主要包括政治动员和政治整合两个层面。政治动员是群众路线实践的政治基础,政治整合是群众路实践的政治目标,有效的政治动员和政治整合过程共同推动群众路线的丰富和实践。为推动群众路线实践的丰富发展,关键在于群众路线中的政治动员和政治整合在党的执政水平、群众的政治参与、机制实践的路径拓宽和道德规范及意识形态的构建这些方面应得到进一步完善和发展。     

Legitimacy and institutional purpose

ABSTRACT

Institutions undertake a huge variety of constitutive purposes. One of the roles of legitimacy is to protect and promote an institution’s pursuit of its purpose; state legitimacy is generally understood as the right to rule, for example. When considering legitimacy beyond the state, we have to take account of how differences in purposes change legitimacy. I focus in particular on how differences in purpose matter for the stringency of the standards that an institution must meet in order to be legitimate. An important characteristic of an institution’s purpose is its deontic status, i.e. whether it is morally impermissible, merely permissible, or mandatory. Although this matters, it does so in some non-obvious ways; the mere fact of a morally impermissible purpose is not necessarily delegitimating, for example. I also consider the problem of conflicting, multiple, and contested institutional purposes, and the different theoretical roles for institutional purpose. Understanding how differences in purpose matter for an institution’s legitimacy is one part of the broader project of theorizing institutional legitimacy in the many contexts beyond the traditional context of the state.     

A political economy for social movements and revolution: popular media access,power and cultural hegemony

Abstract

One key marker of mass social movements transitioning to participatory democratic governance is popular media access. This essay argues that democratic media access by public constituencies becomes a site for constructing social revolution and simultaneously a manifest empirical measure of the extent of democratic participation in the production, distribution, and use of communication with new cultural possibilities. The participatory production practices (with citizens producing and hosting their own programs) and the democratic content (of oral histories, local issues, critiques of government and business, and everyday vernacular) reflect the hegemony of emerging ‘Bolivarian’ twenty-first century socialism expressed as popular participation in media production. Bolstered by constitutional changes and public funding, popular social movements of civil society, indigenous, women, and working class organizations have gained revolutionary ground by securing in practice the right of media production. Findings indicate that public and community media (that move beyond alternative sites of local expression and concerns) provide a startling revolutionary contrast to the commercial media operations in every nation. Popular media constructions suggest a new radically democratic cultural hegemony based on human solidarity with collective, participatory decision-making and cooperation offering real possibilities and experiences for increased equality and social justice.     

Party brand hate in political market: antecedents and consequences

ABSTRACT

Brand hate is defined as a severe dislike for a product or service by the consumer. Although brand hate has been recognized as a critical element, in the political market, there is a lack of understanding of the impact of brand hate on voters. This study is an attempt to examine the antecedents and consequences of brand hate in the political market. The study reveals that unmet expectations, symbolic incongruity, and ideological incompatibility of electorates have a significant positive impact on brand hate intensity. The result shows that political product involvement significantly mediates the relationship between unmet expectations, symbolic incongruity, and ideological incompatibility and brand hate intensity. The study further reveals that as an outcome of political brand hate, electorates put emphasis on either brand avoidance and/or brand extremism. The outcome of this study may help political parties gain knowledge about the impact of political brand hate.     

政治统一、支持监督与协商治理:中国新型政党制度的优势

中国新型政党制度是保持国家政治统一、实现权力有效监督制约和实践协商民主政治的重要制度载体.中国新型政党制度的优势主要体现在通过聚合性的政党制度结构,保持了超大规模国家的政治统一;通过非竞争支持型的政党监督模式,初步实现了政党之间的权力监督;通过多党合作和政治协商,实现了包容互惠发展导向的协商民主治理.新时代坚持和完善中国新型政党制度,需要通过制度改进和完善,进一步发挥中国新型政党制度的优势,促进国家治理现代化的实现.     

党的政治纪律建设:生成动因、历史演进与实践路径

注重政治纪律建设是马克思主义政党一以贯之的要求,也是中国共产党的历史传统和政治优势.中国共产党的发展历史,就是一部不断严明政治纪律的历史.总结党的政治纪律建设发展历史,对于新时代进一步加强党的政治纪律建设有着重要的历史借鉴作用.