论刑法的政治品格

在现代社会里，政治体制、政治权力或政治体系不可避免地要同刑法发生一定的关联作用，并且为刑法注入了各自不同的政治特质，于是就形成刑法独特的政治品格。如果以边缘刑法学的视角对此展开分析，那么，刑法与民主政治、政治人物和政治形势之间的关系可以成为理论研判的对象。因为这些关系在互动的情态下能够真实地还原刑法在阶级社会里的本质属性，从而明确民主刑法所应有的政治品格，而这一切还将有助于拓展刑法学人的研究视野以及刑事立法者对刑法的科学定位。     

Pragmatic Federalism: Australian Federalism from Hawke to Howard

The article explores the nature of Australian federalism by examining four major themes in the period from Hawke to Howard. The investigation of these themes – Australian conceptions of federalism; the role of party in shaping federalism; the way problems and politics have influenced policy‐making and thereby federalism; and the nature of federal judicial review – suggests that Australian federalism can most accurately be characterised as pragmatic. It appears as a federalism shaped by pressing problems, specific policy agendas and the prevailing political dynamic, rather than by overarching conceptions of federalism derived from political theory or articulated in party ideology. This pragmatic federalism explains important aspects of Australian federalism, especially the trend towards centralisation of authority.     

The internal‐external marketing orientation of a political party: social implications of political party marketing orientation

This paper attempts to examine and define marketing's role and significance in the political arena and understand the social implications of political marketing more appropriately. A case study was undertaken to examine a major Australian political party's marketing orientation using key facets of the Kotler and Andreasen (1991) typology of internal versus external orientation and the Kohli and Jaworski (1990) market orientation perspective. An examination of this nature has previously not been undertaken in the area of political marketing to explore the social marketing issues from the marketer's perspective. The findings indicate significant issues for parties and marketing researchers to consider in relation to marketing and market orientation of political parties. Copyright © 2001 Henry Stewart Publications     

国际法治:良法善治还是强权政治

国际法治意味着法治的原则适用于国际关系之中。法治的理想激发着国际法学家在国际社会实现法治,但是由于存在着重重障碍,强权政治在国际关系中仍然占据主导地位。但是,有可能建立人类利益作为国家决策的基础,代替以往抽象的国家利益和安全考虑。基于此,国际法治可以在良法善治的前提下实现。     

缅甸国内政治与对外关系现状

按照联合国宪章规定 ,非选举政府的执政期限不得超过 5年 ,但如今 1 0年过去了 ,缅甸军政府依然我行我素 ,敢冒天下之大不韪 ,拒绝和美国欧盟提出的承认 1 990年 5月大选结果并将政权移交给全国民主联盟的条件。缅甸军政府反复声称 ,它将完全按照自己的既定方式和时间表移交政权。为此 ,它致力于制订一部有力于自己的新宪法 ,一旦制宪完毕 ,将再举行新一轮选举 ,把自己 1 0年来苦心经营的政党 (联邦巩固发展协会 )推向政治舞台。尽管缅甸军政府至今仍被国际社会所遗弃 ,同东盟的关系微妙 ,但同中国的关系则是牢固的。     

Political Representation and Gender in Brazil: Quotas for Women and their Impact

In the 1990s, Brazilian Congress approved an electoral quota for female candidates in parliamentary competition (with exception of the Senate). The reticence of the law and the peculiarities of the Brazilian open lists electoral system have given rise to concern that the quotas will fail. In fact, there has been no great increase in the number of women in Brazilian legislatives – there has been some change in the municipalities, a little less in the states and almost nothing at the federal level. Analysing in detail the results of four elections to the federal Chamber of Deputies, two before and two after the quotas, it becomes apparent that, in Brazil, the impact of quotas is mediated far more than in other countries. Quotas provide, above all, an incentive to party elites to support an increase in the number of female political leaders, and the results may appear only at mid term.     

论雇主的工资续付义务

工资续付义务是雇主的法定义务，也是一项独立的义务，法律规定工资续付义务乃是基于特定的公共政策的考虑。工资续付义务可分为完全的工资续付义务、限制的工资续付义务和工资续付义务的免除三种类型。雇主应当自觉履行工资续付义务，劳动者可以通过工资续付请求权要求雇主履行义务；在雇主违反工资续付义务时，劳动者可以通过国家强制雇主履行义务。     

以治学来干世——略论郭沫若的学术实践

在学术与政治之间,郭沫若是心向政治的,他踏入学术圈,很大程度上是出于无奈或无聊,然而,他又不甘于做那种与世无涉的学术＂蠹鱼＂,身为＂革命的学术家＂,他将马克思主义思想理论渗入到学术研究之中,使得学术与政治两者因此得以沟通,学术最终成为郭沫若参与社会、介入政治的另一种方式,他的学术实践的成绩与失误皆在于此.     

宪法化的政治权利——参政权

我国宪法中的"政治权利"的概念直接来源于政治用语。对政治概念不加区分地法律化,引起概念逻辑的混乱,并导致了对权利的肆意破坏。因此,应当抛弃传统的"政治权利"概念,而提出"宪法化、法律化的政治权利"概念,即参政权体系。     

The third age of political communication

The author discusses the historical development of political media communication. The first age was a time of relatively easy access to the media; the second age showed the growing power of the media through access to television; and the third suggests an increasing proliferation of information channels within and beyond the mainstream mass media. Four current trends are analysed, with speculation of the subject of their future development. Copyright © 2001 Henry Stewart Publications