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1.
马克思主义法律思想中国化研究论纲——写在《现代法学》首任主编黎国智教授80寿辰之际 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
推动马克思主义的中国化,把握社会主义法治理念,弘扬法治精神,应当认真研究马克思主义法律思想的中国化。在国外,马克思主义法律思想研究已经上升到了一个新台阶;在中国,通过多年马克思主义法律思想研究的铺垫,已经具备了更进一步研究的坚实基础。但是,马克思主义法律思想中国化研究必须有独特的思路、完善的内容设计,并应该考虑到新世纪新阶段马克思主义法律思想中国化面临的新机遇和新挑战。 相似文献
2.
就业问题不仅是重大的经济问题 ,也是重大的政治问题 ;不仅是现实的紧迫问题 ,也是长远的战略问题 ,必须给予高度重视。为解决转型中的就业问题 ,政府要根据发达国家解决就业问题的成功经验并结合我国的特殊国情来选择扩大就业的路径 相似文献
3.
赵文经 《安徽警官职业学院学报》2003,2(2):22-24
国家处于计划经济向市场经济转型时期 ,由于权力过分集中和非规范化运作 ,贿赂犯罪现象丛生。目前 ,我国正处于这一过渡期 ,贿赂犯罪呈蔓延之势。某些单位为获得利益 ,“公贿”现象已露端倪。针对贿赂犯罪现象 ,分析犯罪发展态势 ,研究犯罪原因 ,探求贿赂犯罪的预防与遏制对策已成当务之急。 相似文献
4.
高等学校内部审计要适应现代企业制度要求,必须实现三个转变,即高等学校校办企业审计应从查错防弊向为参与企业内部管理和服务方面转变;应以强化企业财务收支审计为基础,以提高经济效益为目标,实现向经济效益审计转变;应以促进并帮助企业健全和完善内部控制制度,实现向制度基础审计转变。 相似文献
5.
从文化变迁看女性犯罪的社会预防 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
张亚飞 《河北公安警察职业学院学报》2008,8(3)
女性犯罪是当今社会不可忽视的一个重要问题,不但给众多家庭造成了悲剧,而且对社会危害程度日趋严重,已经成为影响经济发展、社会稳定的不可忽视的因素,应当引起高度重视。面对当前中国社会女性犯罪不断上升和蔓延的态势,对于女性犯罪的原因的探讨已经成为人们关注的焦点。本文从文化变迁的角度来分析当前中国社会女性犯罪的社会原因,力求突破一些传统的看法,澄清一些认识上的误区,从而对女性犯罪给出一些社会预防对策。 相似文献
6.
刘宁 《中共山西省委党校学报》2001,24(2):24-27
我国目前经济与社会的发展,正处于一个重要的转变时刻,这就是面临着由数量型发展向质量型发展的重大转变.为此,我们既要坚持经济建设的中心地位,又要重视人的发展;既要明确文化发展在社会发展中的地位和作用,更应认识到科技发展对中国经济社会发展转型的巨大推动力. 相似文献
7.
石作斌 《南京政治学院学报》2001,17(4):56-59
在社会转型期 ,加强领导文化建设 ,对保证党及其领导的社会主义现代化事业的兴旺发达具有极为重要的战略意义。领导文化的社会功能在于对社会发展具有推动作用 ,对领导行为具有决定作用 ,对公众意识具有引导作用。现代领导文化的核心内容包括领导制度文化、领导行为文化和领导观念文化。建构有中国特色社会主义的新型领导文化应当坚持以马克思主义科学理论为指导原则 ,以批判继承、综合创新为根本方法 ,以社会主体全面发展为价值目标。 相似文献
8.
Brian Grodsky 《Human Rights Review》2008,9(3):281-297
While the study of transitional justice, and especially truth commissions, has gained in popularity over the past two decades,
the literature is overwhelmingly focused on activities in democratizing states. This introduces a selection bias that interferes
with proper analysis of causes and consequences of transitional justice on a global scale. In this paper, I discuss conditions
under which new repressive elites, and even old repressive elites who survive to rule and repress in nominally new systems,
may choose to launch broad investigations of the past. I argue that such a decision is based on two primary considerations,
the presence of internally or externally based incentives (e.g., foreign aid) and the level of political control enjoyed by
old elites in the new system. I apply this argument to post-Soviet Central Asia, including a detailed case study of Uzbekistan’s
1999 truth commission based on domestic media analysis and local elite interviews.
相似文献
Brian GrodskyEmail: |
9.
Mary Comerford Cooper 《Journal of Chinese Political Science》2008,13(1):53-78
China’s distinctive set of stock market institutions was introduced in 1990. Among the characteristics of China’s stock markets
was a strict separation between different categories of investors. Listed companies issued different categories of shares
to state shareholders, domestic corporate investors, domestic individual investors, and foreign investors. By 2005, the barriers
segmenting China’s stock market had been significantly relaxed. Domestic investors were allowed to purchase shares previously
reserved for foreign investors, and approved foreign investors were allowed to purchase shares previously earmarked for domestic
individuals. Nevertheless, a crucial barrier remained. An ongoing debate among Chinese academics, investors, and policy makers
focused on how to resolve the “split share structure” (guquan fen zhi) in which a minority of shares were tradable while the
majority of shares (namely those reserved for domestic corporate and state shareholders) were excluded from the market. The
split share structure was blamed for distorting prices and inhibiting development of the stock market. This paper analyzes
the policy adopted to address the split share structure. To what extent does this policy change reflect new thinking on the
part of China’s market regulators? This paper argues that analysis of policy making in China’s capital markets can help to
distinguish between two competing assessments of China’s political economy. One account sees China pursuing a gradualist strategy,
slowly but steadily expanding the role of markets. Another account sees China trapped in a semi-marketized and increasingly
corrupt development pattern. The implementation of the split share structure reform program provides evidence to support the
gradualist account of incremental, but persistent, reform.
Mary Comerford Cooper is an assistant professor in political science at the Ohio State University. Her recent research focuses
on the politics of financial markets in China and Taiwan. Earlier versions of this paper were presented at the Comparative
Politics Research Workshop/ Globalization, Institutions and Economic Security Workshop at Ohio State University in May 2007,
and at the annual meeting of the Association for Chinese Political Studies in July 2007. I benefited greatly from the constructive
and insightful comments of Bj?rn Alpermann, Melanie Barr, Jean-Marc Blanchard, Sarah Brooks, Joseph Fewsmith, Sujian Guo,
Dane Imerman, Ryan Kennedy, Marcus Kurtz, Xiaoyu Pu, James Reilly, Alex Thompson, Daniel Verdier, Jianwei Wang, Alan Wiseman,
Bin Yu, and an anonymous reviewer. I am also grateful for Lan Hu’s exceptional research assistance. All remaining flaws are
purely my own. 相似文献
10.
Aleksandra Djurasovic 《Space and Polity》2019,23(2):125-139
ABSTRACTThe article analyses planning processes in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) in order to offer insights into newly-shaping planning systems in South-Eastern Europe during the late phase of post-socialist transition. The article argues that societal complexity impedes a multifaceted transition (i.e. post-war, post-socialist, and neoliberal) in BiH, creating obstacles on the multifaceted transition path. Through a thorough literature review and a series of semi-structured interviews, the article shows that due to these, and many other, complexities, BiH is moving slowly on its transition path. However, it appears that the bottom-up processes are challenging the embedded notions of division. 相似文献