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211.
212.
社会主义核心价值观与中华传统文化 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
陈振波 《福建省社会主义学院学报》2014,(5):55-58
社会主义核心价值观的提出立足于中华传统文化,融合了儒、道、法、墨等诸家学说的精髓,在继承的基础上创新发展。社会主义核心价值观同时是对当下中国社会与意识形态发展的总结和升华,推动中国特色社会主义伟大实践,对文化强国战略的实施和实现中华民族的伟大复兴具有重要的促进作用。 相似文献
213.
吕中诚 《四川警官高等专科学校学报》2014,(1):106-110
在环境警察权的宏观结构中,权力主体、权力内容及其运行规则是主要的构成要素.环境警察权的权力主体是环境警察机关及其所属的环境警察,其机构设置及人员素质会对环境警察权的实际运行产生较大影响.环境警察权的权力内容不宜过多,应仅限于环境执法,主要包括环境刑事执法权、环境行政执法权和环境监督管理权.而环境警察权的行使则必须遵循法定性原则、有限性原则、公益性原则、程序性原则和责任性原则. 相似文献
214.
郭俊义 《南京大学法律评论》2014,(1):72-82
我们通常认为,规则是理性的产品,并认为这种观点的肇端为柏拉图.但在柏拉图的著作中,规则中却是充斥着大量的非理性因素.柏拉图的《吕西斯篇》、《斐德罗篇》揭示了规则中人与人之间的爱欲,《理想国》则把这种爱欲规则上升到城邦与人之间的爱欲. 相似文献
215.
Iain Watson 《Asian Journal of Political Science》2013,21(3):304-325
Abstract The South Korean government has taken on many of Joseph Nye's ideas as it is promoting a state-led soft power in the form of the cultural hallyu, foreign aid, and domestically, a future-orientated rebranding of South Korea as a multicultural state. Soft power is understood in instrumental terms as well as in more substantive terms. This state-led multiculturalism has challenged widely held beliefs in ethnic homogeneity which have been the mainspring of national identity and national security in South Korea. These beliefs have underscored inter-Korean relations as the two states officially share beliefs despite political and ideological differences. The growing significance of such state-led multiculturalism in Global Korea to attract foreign workers can be linked to a myriad of intentional and unintentional strategic issues arising from this form of state-led soft power promotion. This is particularly significant given the sensitive culture and identity across the East Asian region. 相似文献
216.
Mohammad Mozahidul Islam 《Asian Journal of Political Science》2013,21(2):148-168
In order to understand the structural dimensions of the problems concerning democratic governance in Bangladesh, this article seeks to explicate whether or not Bangladesh is a neopatrimonial state. This article examines contemporary Bangladesh politics with a particular focus on the notion of neopatrimonialism and with special reference to the personalization of state power. The concept of neopatrimonialism has great utility in explaining leadership behaviour in a dysfunctional democracy such as Bangladesh, where personalized exchanges, exploitation of bureaucratic and state mechanisms and political scandals are common. I argue that Bangladesh is a special variant of the neopatrimonial state, which I suggest to be bipolar neopatrimonialism. I contend that since independence, successive governments and political leaders always attempt to monopolize state power in various ways. The patron-client society of Bangladesh helps political leaders to personalize the state power they possess. To monopolize state power, the political elites of Bangladesh create networks and alliances, relying on exchanges to meet their objectives. In this regard, state elites use elements of the state and political system to mediate these exchanges. 相似文献
217.
Ragnhild Sollund 《Journal of Scandinavian Studies in Criminology & Crime Prevention》2013,14(2):181-201
The relationship between interviewer and interviewee in the qualitative research interview implies a power imbalance as the researcher possesses the authority to frame the interview and ask the questions. Many feminist researchers have thus emphasized the importance of establishing rapport with the informant. In this article the consequences of the researcher's sym/antipathies towards her informants are examined. Parts of two interviews are presented in order to show how the researcher's emotional reactions entail hers as well as the informants' verbal responses and consequently the generation of data. In the interviews the female researcher was particularly emotionally challenged as they were of a delicate nature in which gender interplayed: a woman doing interviews with male refugees convicted for homicide and rape against female victims. It is further discussed whether sympathy and rapport or antipathy and a confrontational interview style—the consequences of the researchers' emotional responses to the narratives of the offences and the attitude of the interviewees—produced the best data. The article concludes that good intentions about avoiding prejudice by not reading the men's files and verdicts in advance may have been a wrong decision as it left the researcher insufficiently emotionally prepared for the information revealed in the interviews and for the encounter with the informants. 相似文献
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219.
Gilbert Rozman 《The Pacific Review》2013,26(3):325-357
Under Mori Yoshiro the Japanese government energetically pursued Russia's new leader, Vladimir Putin. Progress was achieved, as Putin recognized the 1956 treaty in which Moscow pledged to return two islands. From the summer of 2000, however, a backlash could be detected. The architects of the initiative not only failed to make their case to Japanese politicians, but also became the object of two years of attacks, leading to Suzuki Muneo's ouster from the LDP and arrest and to Togo Kazuhiko being fired as ambasador to The Netherlands. Under Koizumi Junichiro Japan lost interest, while the media feasted on the image of foreign policy being hijacked. Lost in the media frenzy and setback to relations was the case for why Tokyo and Moscow need each other as great power partners in the face of rising Chinese power and overwhelming US power. Since both parties sided with the US war against terror, the logic of cooperation has become clearer. A general outline for an interim agreement is well understood on both sides, but a breakthrough is unlikely soon. 相似文献
220.
Nkiru Nnawulezi Christina Campbell Kalleigh Landstra Se'ara Davis Cortney Vandegrift Amanda Taylor 《Journal of prevention & intervention in the community》2013,41(2):113-120
The purpose of this article is to describe the utility of Star Power as an experiential learning exercise applied in a community psychology undergraduate course. This exercise simulates systems of power, privilege, and oppression while fostering an ecological perspective that raises students’ awareness and knowledge about power differentials within society. The simulation of trading and lawmaking works best with 18 to 35 students and takes approximately 80 minutes to conduct. This article highlights three representative student perspectives concerning their participation and experience with Star Power. Strategies for facilitating class discussion are also reported. 相似文献