A distributional theory of economic democracy

In the twentieth century, while political democracy triumphed economic democracy failed both as an idea and in practice. A case for reviving the idea of economic democracy is made in terms of protecting political democracy. Economic democracy has conventionally been understood as a matter of bringing economic power under the control of collective political power. The idea is here reformulated as a matter of redistributing economic power between persons, of giving people a share in economic power directly rather than through elected representatives. Political democracy is assumed, which is to say that political power is under the control of the middle class. The question then is under what conditions the middle class might want and think it could use political power to redistribute economic power. The conclusions are that there is in advanced capitalist democracies considerable scope for the redistribution of economic power between the rich and the middle class. As for the empowerment of the poor, however, anti-poverty policies beyond the containment of poverty are unlikely to emerge today in countries where that did not happen under earlier historical conditions.     

透视腐败:权力、体制与人性论

根除腐败,权力制约是前提,体制完善是关键,传统人性论的反思是基础。这三者最终统一于社会主义民主法治。     

Speaking the truth

Suspicion regarding the notion of truth is a characteristic feature of much contemporary thought. Often this suspicion is based in a view that takes truth to be a notion associated with a discredited view of knowledge or with an oppressive and exclusionary politics. That the very possibility of knowledge, and so of our access to the truth, can be put in question and that truth itself always operates within a political dimension are not, of course, claims that can be denied. Nor can it be denied that knowledge, truth and power are closely tied together. But these considerations should prompt us to a reappraisal of the notion of truth that sees it as more, not less, significant. This paper is an attempt to begin such a reappraisal and to attend, not merely to the truth. Speaking the truth is not something the successful achievement of which can, in every case, be guaranteed in advance; yet neither is it something that we can abandon or ignore.     

Realism and constructivism in Southeast Asian security studies today: a review essay

The post-Cold War debate among positivist and post-positivist theorists of international security - particularly realists, liberals and constructivists - has not diminished. Both realism and constructivism have now been established as the key intellectual competitors in Southeast Asian security studies. Following a brief intellectual history of Southeast Asian security studies, this paper reviews the major works of two political scientists who are leading authorities: Michael Leifer, a professor at the London School of Economics and Political Science and a realist; and Amitav Acharya, a professor at York University and a constructivist. This review essay makes the following argument: constructivism is more insightful than balance-of-power realism, but it is more likely to conform to a sophisticated balance-of-threat theory - a form of ‘minimalist’ or ‘soft’ realism - which can help explain the daunting tasks of security-community building.     

武装冲突法视野下的中国大国责任

中国大国责任的担当是全方位多领域的,从武装冲突法看主要有：依法使用武力,捍卫本国安全和领土完整;他国间（内）利益争端引发武装冲突时,不介入不干涉;联合国采取或授权军事行动时,积极支持或参加;局部战争严重威胁地区安全时,援助正义方;其他情势严重危害人类生存时,采取多种手段介入。     

The power few: experimental criminology and the reduction of harm

The promise of experimental criminology is finding ways to reduce harm from crime and injustice. The problem of experimental criminology is that so few experiments produce evidence of big effects from the interventions they test. One solution to this problem may be concentrating scarce resources for experiments on the “power few:” the small percentage of places, victims, offenders, police officers or other units in any distribution of crime or injustice which produces the greatest amount of harm. By increasing the homogeneity and base rates of the samples enrolled in each experiment, the power few hypothesis predicts increased statistical power to detect program effects. With greater investment of resources, and possibly less variant responses to greater dosages of intervention—especially interventions of support, as distinct from punishment—we may also increase our chances of finding politically acceptable interventions that will work.

完善立法机制 保障农民立法权

完善立法机制,保障农民立法权是实现农民法治主体地位和发挥农民法治主体作用的前提和基础。完善立法机制,保障农民立法权可通过国家制定法充分合理吸纳农村民间法,以及完善立法机关的组成机制、立法权限机制和立法程序机制等方面来实现。     

策划对提升报业传媒竞争力的作用

在报业传媒竞争激烈、同质化倾向严重的情况下,策划是突显传媒独特的定位与品牌特色、提高竞争力的重要手段。要培养从业人员的忧患、竞争意识和信息敏感度,以受众为本,善于思考和创新。注意真实性、不炒作、避免玩策划游戏和不健康策划、过分夸大策划作用等行为。     

论政治文明中的权力制约

政治文明体现了人的自由的实现和社会经济的发展,表现为人可以自主地对自己的信仰和行为作出自由选择。市场经济条件下的政治文明集中反映在对国家权力的监督制约,以遏制国家的集权专制对市场经济正常运行的干预和对日益要求自主的私人领域的干涉。近现代世界政治文明的主要特征是民主与法治,其基本制度功能就是对国家权力的监督制约。民主与法治不仅实现了对国家集权与专制的有效遏制,而且为国家能力的提升提供了坚实的合法性基础。     

死刑核准权归位后的程序正当性分析

死刑核准权归位是解决死刑核准权异化,根除下放所造成的立法矛盾和实务问题的惟一选择。死刑复核程序的诉讼化改造要求贯彻书面审和开庭审相结合,事实审与法律审相结合,书面审则实行阅卷与提审被告人相结合;立法应当明确赋予死刑复核程序中被告人的律师辩护权和当面陈述权;死刑复核程序仍然应当明确时限规定;检察机关有权对死刑复核程序实行法律监督,监督的方式是抗诉和检察建议;我国死刑复核程序不宜实行三审终审制改造,也不宜只实行法律审。