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141.
股份公司独立董事任免制度研究   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
独立董事任免制度主要包括独立董事的提名、选举、解任程序的启动及解任议案的表决等内容。独立董事可以由董事会或者单独或合并持股达到一定比例以上的股东提名,董事会应下设主要由独立董事组成的提名委员会,专门负责独立董事候选人的提名工作;独立董事的选举应适用累积投票制,并且应与一般董事合并选举;独立董事解任议案得由董事会提出,但不宜采用临时动议的方式;股东(大)会对独立董事解任议案的表决应该适用特别决议程序。  相似文献   
142.
我国的干部制度改革已进入攻坚阶段。深化干部制度改革,需要根据干部的特点,将党政干部区分为政务类干部和事务类干部两类。在此基础上,需要积极推进政务类干部的选举,改革创新对事务类干部的选拔。  相似文献   
143.
The Recall of MPs Act 2015 allows constituents to petition for their MP to be unseated. A petition of recall is opened, for six weeks, if an MP has received a custodial sentence or been suspended from the House of Commons for ten or more sitting days. Should 10 per cent of constituents sign the petition, a by‐election is required, which the deposed MP has the right to contest. The first test of the Act came in 2018, when Ian Paisley, MP for North Antrim, was suspended from the Commons for thirty days. This article examines how the Act was implemented and assesses whether procedural oddities played any part in the petition failing to attract sufficient signatures to trigger a by‐election.  相似文献   
144.
马永双  赵金龙 《河北法学》2005,23(8):105-107
仲裁员是处理仲裁案件的主持者和裁判者,须具备一定的道德品质和业务素质。仲裁员的综合素质直接关系到仲裁裁决的公正性,影响仲裁业的健康发展和仲裁机构的声誉。建立完善的仲裁员制度有利于加强仲裁员队伍建设,保证仲裁功能的充分发挥。我国现行的仲裁员制度虽取得了重大成就,但随着仲裁实践经验的积累和仲裁理论成果的创新,应及时对仲裁员制度进行改进。  相似文献   
145.
中国共产党在延安时期十三年的历史,是一部追求并实现民主执政的历史。1937年底,陕甘宁边区实行民主选举,到1944年10月,各抗日民主根据地都建立了人民普选的地方各级政府。抗日战争期间,边区政权普选收益颇丰。  相似文献   
146.
Implications from three theoretical models explaining the incidence of invalid voting are tested using data from all presidential elections in post-communist and Latin American democracies. Institutions such as the rule governing the possibility of reelection, compulsory voting, the rule for electing presidents, and the concurrence of elections, all powerfully shape the incidence of invalid voting. The article utilizes an interactive framework which implies that the effect of electoral rules is strongly conditioned by features of political competition. Although there is evidence consistent both with the voter error and protest models of invalid voting, most of the variation in invalid voting rates is explicable by the stakes associated with casting a valid as opposed to an invalid ballot.  相似文献   
147.
Many journalists, political reformers and social scientists assume that electorates in open versus closed primaries are distinctive, especially in terms of their ideological orientations. Because voting in closed primaries is restricted to registered partisans, voters in this setting are assumed to be more ideologically extreme. Independents voting in open primaries are seen as moderating the ideological orientation of these primary electorates. However, our research demonstrates that the ideological orientations of voters in these two primary settings are quite similar. Prior research demonstrates the influence of primary laws on voters’ self-identifications as partisans or independents. We expand upon this research to show how this influences the number and ideological positions of partisans and independents as they vote in presidential primaries held under differing participation rules.  相似文献   
148.
The Spanish legislative election of 2015 speaks of change. This is the end of the traditional two-party system and the beginning of a new political era marked by institutional renewal. The Socialist Party and the Partido Popular have both lost significant parliamentary force, whereas two new parties (Podemos, and Ciudadanos) are now crucial to ensure stable government majorities. This new parliamentary scenario seems to better mirror the political pluralism of a changing society which has already demonstrated for change in striking events such as the 15-M Movement. However, political parties are far from showing conciliatory aspirations, possibly because a new election is suddenly a realistic option. This report outlines the political context of the election, indicates the main topics during the campaign and discusses the results.  相似文献   
149.
This paper explores the results of the 2016 parliamentary election in the Slovak Republic, with a special emphasis on the regional aspects of participating political parties’ election campaigns. It summarizes the election results for the country as a whole, as well as separately by region. An empirical analysis of party electoral performance at the district level suggests that the incumbent Smer party tended to do well in districts with higher rates of unemployment and a lower proportion of university-educated population. Similar patterns hold for the Slovak ethnic nationalist Slovak National Party and the far-right People’s Party Our Slovakia. By contrast, the two parties that presented themselves as being starkly opposed to the Smer government’s policies—Freedom and Solidarity and Ordinary People and Independent Personalities—exhibit greater support in districts with more university-educated voters and lower unemployment rates.  相似文献   
150.
The 2016 Austrian presidential election was remarkably different than the previous ones in the history of the country characterized by its stable political system. Not only did it open the role of president in Austria to debate, but it also sidelined the two political parties that had dominated Austrian politics since World War II. Alexander Van der Bellen won the election with one of the closest margins in recent history. This article argues that the election divided the country in more than one way. Besides the near 50–50 divide between the candidates, the results show that it generated important dynamics in territorial politics as well, notably in the states and cities of Austria. These results point towards a party system transformation in Austrian politics.  相似文献   
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