我国法定继承制度的立法构想

值此我国《继承法》正在讨论修改之际 ,本文分析了我国法定继承制度存在的不足 ,借鉴国外立法经验 ,结合我国实际 ,试拟法定继承制度的立法建议稿 ,并对立法理由予以分析说明 ,以供我国立法机关参考     

青岛地区常见嗜尸性蝇种及其季节性分布研究

目的观察青岛地区嗜尸性蝇种季节性演替规律,为死亡时间推断提供参考。方法在室外设立田间观察场所,2012年4月1日开始至2013年4月1日,每月第1天6时放置猪尸,20min后开始观察,至18时,期间每小时观察1次;第3天以后,分别于7时、12时、18时各观察1次。观察时记录尸体上出现的昆虫种类、虫态、数量并采集相应标本,进行分类鉴定。结果可以观察到有嗜尸性蝇类侵袭尸体的月份为4月至11月,共发现3科23种蝇类,其中丝光绿蝇、大头金蝇和亮绿蝇数量位列前三,分别占全部观察数量的40.71%、31.95%和7.12%。丝光绿蝇、大头金蝇中午时段出现的数量显著多于早上和傍晚。一年中各种蝇类在中午出现的数量均多于早上及晚上。4月上旬,蝇类早、晚与中午出现的数量相差显著;而在7、8月份差别较小。大部分嗜尸性蝇种集中在新鲜期和肿胀期。结论本文观察数据可为利用嗜尸性蝇类演替规律进行法医学死亡时间推断,以及建立地区嗜尸性蝇种类数据提供参考。     

“法治”概念在当代中国的继受及其意义

“法治”在当代中国逐渐成为大家耳熟能详的概念.从中国具体法治实践看,无论在学界还是法律实践部门,尽管都在使用“法治”概念,但实际上是对大陆法系“法治国”或“法治主义”的继受,这对中国的法治建设产生了一定的积极意义的同时也带来了一定的消极影响.如何实现走出继受,建构起拥有自己发展个性的法秩序模式,成为摆在我们面前一个义不容辞的使命.     

论遗嘱自由之限制:立法干预的正当性及其路径

从平衡遗嘱人意愿与其近亲属利益、否定歧视妇女的传统、维护社会公序良俗、保护社会公平等考虑,均有必要找到遗嘱自由的"恰当底线"。在域外继承法中,无论大陆法或英美法传统的国家和地区,普遍采取措施对遗嘱自由进行一定限制。我国现行《继承法》却对遗嘱处分无所限制,仅必留份除外。该种过度信赖遗嘱人自治的立法,与财产继承法自身承担的职责不符。改革开放以来,遗产分配争议明显增多,与现行遗嘱继承立法不足有直接关系。我国遗嘱继承立法宜借鉴域外继承法经验,对遗嘱处分实施适当的限制,引入结婚导致婚前所立遗嘱无效、特留份制,限制遗嘱处分婚姻居所等,以保护被继承人近亲属的应得继承份额。     

Fight,Flee or Fulminate: Prime Ministerial Challengers,Strategic Choices and the Rites of Succession

Prime ministers often have to work with prime ministerial aspirants, senior ministers who regard themselves as possible successors. But can these challengers seize the job when the prime ministers are reluctant to stand down? Using evidence from Canada, Britain and Australia, the article explores the conditions in which successions have taken place and the capacity of the prime ministerial aspirants to expedite the process. It identifies three alternative strategies that are shaped by the party rules in the different countries. The aspirants may flee, fight or fulminate. Which strategy will best improve their chances of winning the top job depends on the traditional or developing modes of leadership election that their parties have adopted. Some processes provide the means to assassinate the leader. Others have no opportunity to act; rivals can do nothing but wait, either in or outside parliament. The article finds that the broader the constituency that elects the leaders, the more secure those leaders are when their reputation declines.     

论继承权丧失制度——以我国《继承法》第7条的修改为中心

继承权丧失制度是"任何人不得于其不法行为中获利原则"的体现,是对继承人不法或不道德行为的一种民事制裁。既不能纵容继承人的不法或不道德行为,也不能对继承人过于严苛,同时应充分尊重被继承人的意思。建议增加"以欺诈或胁迫手段迫使、妨害被继承人订立、变更或撤销遗嘱的"作为相对丧失继承权的法定事由。同时,若继承人遗弃被继承人或虐待被继承人情节严重的,由当然相对丧失继承权改为须经被继承人表示丧失继承权。     

论遗嘱自由与限制的平衡

遗嘱自由是继承法的一个重要原则,并为现代各国私法立法所普遍采用。在坚持遗嘱自由原则的同时,加强对这一原则的监督和限制,以完善继承法体系。建立专门机构管理有关继承和遗嘱事项,同时学习外国先进的特留份制度,建立有中国特色的社会主义特留份制度。对破坏家庭和谐且违反社会公共道德和公共秩序的人,禁止遗嘱人遗赠财产给这些人。从而使遗嘱自由原则在限制中发展。做到遗嘱自由与限制的平衡。     

Arthropods of Forensic Importance on Pig Carrion in the Coahuilan Semidesert,Mexico

Abstract: This is the first report of an ongoing research to establish a sarcosaprophagous arthropod database in the Coahuilan semidesert. Seven pigs (Sus scrofa L.) were used as human models to determine succession in an open urban area during the 2007 winter–spring period. Arthropods were collected manually and from pitfall traps. Carcass biomass loss, as well as arthropod colonization, was recorded during 71 days postmortem. Five decomposition stages were identified during which most abundant orders were found to be Diptera, Coleoptera, and Hymenoptera. Lucilia sericata (Meigen), Chrysomya rufifacies (Macquart), Necrobia rufipes (DeGeer), Dermestes maculatus (DeGeer), Pheidole hyatti Emery, and Pogonomyrmex rugosus Emery stood out as dominant species.     

涉外遗嘱继承法律适用立法研究

传统意义上,继承的目的是为了抚养被继承人的亲属,防止继承人因为被继承人的去世而失去基本生活保障,其体现的是一种家庭伦理关系。为了维持这种伦理关系,各国法律一般都对遗嘱继承施加了较为苛刻的条件。然而,随着社会的进步,个人自由被提到一个新的高度,家庭伦理观念逐渐衰落,当事人意思自治逐步进入涉外遗嘱继承领域。我国立法中还没有涉外遗嘱继承法律适用的规定,应当借鉴国外经验,将当事人意思自治引入涉外遗嘱继承法律适用的立法中。同时,在当事人没有选择法律时,也不必一味地强调适用法院地法保护公共秩序,而应该严格限制公共秩序保留的运用。     

Presidential influence on parliamentary election timing and the electoral fate of prime ministers

Most presidential heads of state in parliamentary and semi-presidential democracies have constitutional powers to influence early election calling, which enable them to influence the conditions under which prime ministers are held accountable by the electorate. We examine whether presidents use theses powers to shape the timing of early elections for partisan advantage and to influence the electoral performance of prime ministers. Drawing on data from 193 elections in 18 European democracies (1945–2013), we find that presidents with significant dissolution powers enable incumbents in governments that include the president’s party to realise a significant electoral bonus compared with governments that exclude the party of the president.