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71.
我国目前资产评估法律环境有待完善,资产评估相关法律体系还没有建立起来。企业改制中资产评估主要遵守的是《国有资产评估管理办法》,不能满足资产评估业发展的需要。评估法律规范实质上是法律规范在评估中的具体应用,即评估法律规范是指由国家立法机构或国家行政机关依法制定的,是评估人员必须实施的行为规则,其最终目标是调整评估法律关系。 相似文献
72.
实现社会和谐,建设美好社会,始终是人类孜孜以求的社会理想,也是包括中国共产党在内的马克思主义政党不懈追求的社会理想。从"斗争哲学"转向"和谐哲学,"中国共产党人完成了执政理念和执政哲学的根本性转变。人才工作既是构建社会主义和谐社会的重要内容,又是构建社会主义和谐社会的重要保障。笔者试从人才工作这个视角来探讨中国共产党执政理念的转变。 相似文献
73.
试论在校学生隐私权的保护与校方管理制度的冲突 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
姜丽萍 《中国青年政治学院学报》2006,25(2):82-87
校方在依据自己制定的校规校纪处理学生时,引发了一个法律热点问题——在校学生隐私权的保护。二者的冲突,诱发了一件件诉讼案件的出现。谁是谁非,谁来评判?法院应不再沉默,校规校纪应与时俱进,学生应树立正确的人生观、道德观和价值观。 相似文献
74.
香港的海事审判管辖权 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
根据香港高等法院法令第12条的规定,介绍了香港海事法院的管辖事项的范围、管辖权的行使方式、提出管辖权异议的理由,以及香港海事法院的收费标准等。 相似文献
75.
Claudia Dalbert 《Social Justice Research》1997,10(2):175-189
Becoming a victim of structural unemployment means suffering an unjust fate. The present research examines the cognitive reactions subjects use to protect their belief in a just world and the related effects on their actual well-being within a sample of unemployed blue-collar workers in East Germany (all female). Results showed that the belief in a just world was positively correlated with attributing one’s unemployment to one’s own behavior and negatively with asking “why me?”, but uncorrelated with subjects’ readiness to change into another profession in order to get employed. Just world belief and depression were negatively related for those who either avoided the “why me?” question or who found an answer to it; but just world belief and depression was positively related for those women ruminating about an unanswered “why me?”. Results are consistent with the idea that the belief in a just world plays a significant role in the unemployed person’s coping process. 相似文献
76.
杨龙 《江西公安专科学校学报》2002,(5):5-7
我国高等院校党史教材和国内诸多史书论著,普遍认定“毛泽东思想两个建议”的史实。通过对《毛泽东思想概论》、《彭德怀自述》等有关“两个建议”史实不同版本的比较论证分析,可得出“中央革命根据地第五次反‘围剿’战役后期的两个战略性建议,不是毛泽东提出来的”史实结论,否定国内史学界近半个世纪以来所认定的普遍观点。 相似文献
77.
宪政——人类法治文明的最高结晶 总被引:11,自引:0,他引:11
文章从依法治国首先要依宪治国 ,实行法治关键要实行宪政立论 ,层层深入地阐析了宪政的涵义 ,宪政与宪法的关系 ,宪政的性质、特征及要义 ,宪政与民主、法治、人权的关系等重要问题。 相似文献
78.
It is a central tenet of most contemporarytheories of justice that the badly-off have aright to some of the resources of the well-off.In this paper, I take as my starting point twoprinciples of justice, to wit, the principle ofsufficiency, whereby individuals have a rightto the material resources they need in order tolead a decent life, and the principle ofautonomy, whereby once everybody has such alife, individuals should be allowed to pursuetheir conception of the good, and to enjoy thefruits of their labour in pursuit of suchconception. I also endorse the value offairness, whereby the right person orinstitution makes the decision as to whether tobring about justice.I show that justice and fairness can besatisfied only if we all enjoy a combination ofprivate and collective rights over the world.In making that case, I shall argue that the setof ownership rights I advocate differs fromreadily available conceptions of restrictedprivate ownership in two important respects.First, it is such that in some circumstances,two individuals or more can have control rightsover the same property at the same time, not,as is standardly the case in legal systems, bycontracting with one another (through gifts andjoint purchase), but simply on grounds ofjustice. Second, it allows that, if necessary,property-owners be expropriated from theirproperty without compensation. 相似文献
79.
80.
British constitutional legal discourse is structurally limited in its capacity to capture the complexity of the Good Friday Agreement. Rather than assessing the Agreement in narrow devolutionary terms, it should be seen as a hybrid domestic and international law instrument, making an important contribution to accepted international law norms in relation to self-determination. The Agreement transforms and partly transcends the Northern Ireland conflict by substituting political contestation for violent conflict, and by defining the modalities of conducting that contestation. This analysis complements classical international law perspectives, and opens up the application of legal discourses associated with 'transitional justice' to the legal and political transformation in Northern Ireland. These discourses focus on the problem of reconciling the demands of peace with the imperatives of justice. The Agreement sits squarely in this terrain with its provisions on 'dealing with the past' and 'institutional legacies'. The insights gained here challenge orthodox thinking about conflict-management and the ongoing political process. 相似文献