我国公共部门人力资源管理变迁的趋向分析

现代人力资源管理理论的引入,促进了我国传统的人事管理开始逐步向现代公共部门人力资源管理转变。在这一转换过程中,公共部门人力资源管理呈现出新的发展趋向:在管理理念上实现以事为主到以人为本的转变;在管理模式上,实现从“管”人到再造人的转换;在管理手段上,实现从资历管理到绩效管理的转变;在管理制度上,实现从档案管理到人事代理的转变。     

Progress,Perceptions and Peace in the Sino-Indian Relationship

The Chinese and Indian government are eager to intensify bilateral ties. This paper evaluates whether this enthusiasm has positively affected perceptions of the two societies in general, political actors and experts. A review of opinion polls, publications and official documents learned that this is not the case. Mutual perceptions are marked with ambivalence and distrust.

Governance modes,policy regimes and operational plans: A multi-level nested model of policy instrument choice and policy design

Policy goals and means exist at different levels of abstraction and application and policies can be seen to be comprised of a number of components or elements, not all of which are as amenable to (re)design as others. Defining and thinking about polices and policy-making in this way is very useful because it highlights how policy design is all about the effort to match goals and instruments both within and across categories. That is, successful policy design requires (1) that policy aims, objectives, and targets be coherent; (2) that implementation preferences, policy tools and tool calibrations should also be consistent; and (3) that policy aims and implementation preferences; policy objectives, and policy tools; and policy targets and tool calibrations, should also be congruent and convergent. Policy instrument choices can thus be seen to result from a nested or embedded relationship within a larger framework of established governance modes and policy regime logics. In this contextual model, the range of choices left at the level of concrete targeted policy instrument calibrations—the typical subject of policy tool analysis—is restricted by the kinds of decisions made about policy objectives and the appropriate tools to attain them, and both of these, in turn, by the kind of choices made at the highest level setting out general policy aims and implementation preferences.

Symbolic ideology in the American electorate

Ideological self-identification in the United States is well measured for the period 1970 to the present. Many survey measures are available and they are posed with considerable frequency and regularity. It is thus a relatively straightforward methodological exercise to combine them into a single measure of the American public's latent disposition to identify as liberal or conservative. What is problematic about this state of affairs is that the availability of these good measures occurs after a number of important changes in the American political context, changes that, we argue, have affected how Americans conceive of ideological terms and how scholars think about self-identification in the modern electorate. This paper seeks to measure and explain ideological self-identification in the time before modern survey research. We undertake an historical analysis of scattered pieces of public opinion data before 1970, assembling the pieces to build a time series of self-identification from 1937 to 2006. We then begin attempts at explaining the now observable, and often dramatic, changes in this series.     

‘Just Thinking:’ Attitude Development,Public Opinion,and Political Representation

The role of public opinion polls in electoral democracy is undeniable because, for good or for bad, they affect, in part, the kinds of laws and policies elected officials enact. But the voices measured in polls are not perfectly representative of their populations of interest. More precisely, polls generally sing with a more “knowledgeable” accent than those they represent because of the greater tendency of the less knowledgeable to remain silent. This distortion, however, can be palliated by providing conditions more propitious to attitude development. By relying on survey-experiments conducted in Brazil and in the U.S., I present evidence that inducing people to think more carefully before answering attitude questions reduces substantially the likelihood of the less knowledgeable, which compose most of the Brazilian and American populations, to express a nonopinion response. Thus providing people with greater opportunity to think about politics—something most of them do not do very frequently—makes for more representative measures of public opinion. But the analyses also suggest that increased thought induces greater uncertainty or ambivalence among the most knowledgeable. As a whole, this paper improves our understanding on how people come to develop political attitudes and on the conditions that lead to greater attitude uncertainty or ambivalence. It also carries important lessons and implications for survey design more generally.

Three-Fifths a Racist: A Typology for Analyzing Public Opinion About Race

Is race politics primarily about symbolic racism, principled conservatism, or group conflict? After almost three decades, this debate among some of our best scholars seems scarcely closer to resolution, yet the theoretical, empirical, and normative issues at stake remain enormous. All three parties to the debate falsely assume that the causal structure driving opinion about race policy is homogenous. I reorient and advance the debate by showing how a methodological shift to a data-driven taxonomy of subjects can elucidate how race politics really is complex. I use this taxonomy to run new analyses, and to explain and assess the seemingly contradictory results of previous contributions to the debate. Each of the major parties to the debate is partially right in their account of public opinion about race politics, but about independently identifiable sub-sets of subjects.     

European Cooperation on Future Crises: Toward a Public Good?

As crises grow more transnational in origin and effect, managing them effectively will require international cooperation. This article explores the dilemmas inherent to producing common crisis management capacities across national governments. Drawing on the literature related to "international public goods," the article builds an approach for understanding these dilemmas through the lens of collective action and the perverse incentives associated therein. The article applies this approach to cooperation in Europe on an issue that typifies the transnational crisis—the spread of communicable disease—and highlights obstacles to European Union ambitions to build a robust system for disease surveillance and control. Having isolated the obstacles, the article then identifies solutions to facilitate cooperation toward more effectively producing the good in question.     

中国公共卫生财政资源分配公平性研究——基于社会剥夺的视角

"社会剥夺"是社会心理学的重要概念体系,本研究旨在基于社会剥夺的视角,对中国公共卫生财政分配的公平性及其公平性缺口进行定量评估.研究发现中国大部分西部和中部地区比多数东部地区具有较高的社会剥夺水平;较高社会剥夺水平的地区,其居民健康需求也较高;中国公共卫生财政资源地区间分布的公平性较差且部分地区公平性缺口较大;但公平性有逐年变好的趋势,这主要归功于政府对人均投入均等化的关注而并非对居民健康需求差异的关注.建议在新一轮医改中,政府应对公共卫生服务的"均等化"准确定位;应逐步建立以需求为导向的平等可及的转移支付机制,重点关注农业人口比重较大的地区,优先支持公平性缺口较大的地区;尽早开发科学有效的财政资源分配工具等.     

公共事业民营化改革的认识误区及观念重构

公共事业民营化改革是我国公共部门改革中最为引人注意的一项变革,但是,实践表明部分公共事业民营化改革是不成功的,究其原因当然是多方面的,但其主要原因是人们对民营化改革存在认识误区——秉持民营化改革的成效取决于产权的变更,民营化改革的价值取向是效率至上,民营化是包治百病的灵丹妙药,民营化就是私有化等错误观念.公共事业民营化改革欲取得更好的成效,必须走出传统的认识误区,进行观念重构,要深刻地认识到:公共事业民营化改革成功的关键在于引入竞争;公共事业民营化改革不但蕴涵着公共价值危机,而且面临着严峻的风险;公共事业民营化改革需要一个强有力的政府来实施有效的监管.     

城市拆迁中的利益冲突与公共利益界定——方法与路径

对城市拆迁中公共利益的内涵、特征进行了重新梳理和辨析,在此基础上,探讨城市拆迁中公共利益的界定方法及界定路径,为城市房屋拆迁中公共利益实体界定的重复性问题和程序界定的虚化性问题提出了解决方案.研究认为,在我国城市拆迁中,公共利益缺乏制度层面的明确界定是城市拆迁中的利益冲突和产生拆迁纠纷的原因,表现在强制拆迁和在补偿安置问题上的对抗;基于城市拆迁中公共利益的性质和基本特征,需要综合运用逻辑演绎、要素甄别以及排除法来界定城市拆迁公共利益,并必须同时遵循形式上的程序判断路径和实质上的内容判断路径.