Sudden Death Due to Infiltration of Left Bundle Branches by Interventricular Septal Cardiac Fibroma

Cardiac fibromas are benign conditions; however, their location and size may cause ventricular arrhythmias and sudden cardiac death. We report a case of a 68‐year‐old female who died suddenly. Postmortem investigation detected a huge cardiac fibroma in the pars muscularis of the interventricular septum, occupying almost the entire muscular septum, and restricting the volume of left ventricular chamber. Histological examination revealed numerous foci of calcification in the alternating complex interlacing or strictly parallel collagenous fiber mass. Tumor mass was mainly demarcated, but in some places, fibrous infiltration of surrounding working cardiac muscle was found. We present a case when direct tumor involvement in the descending left bundle branches was evidenced. Mainly, the branches of septal fascicle were disrupted, entrapped, and degenerated by the tumor mass. This case report emphasizes that postmortem histological examination of conduction system in all sudden cardiac death cases may substantially improve the accuracy of postmortem diagnosis.     

赤足残缺足迹检验初探

残缺足迹检验问题是刑侦实战部门迫切需要解决的难题。文章从赤足底花纹的分布规律及蹬、踏、压痕等步态特征随着年龄增长而变化的规律入手,首先研究如何确定残缺足迹的留痕部位,然后进一步根据残缺足迹进行年龄分析,为有效利用残缺足迹提供技术方法。     

La transmission intergénérationnelle de l’orientation idéologique en Suisse dans les familles à plusieurs générations

Ce texte est consacré à la transmission à court terme de l’orientation idéologique gauche‐ droite entre parents et enfants; il utilise les données du Panel suisse de ménages ( www.swisspanel.ch ), qui permet de mener des analyses dans les ménages à plusieurs générations. Les résultats confirment qu’il existe bien une transmission de l’orientation idéologique gauche‐droite entre parents et enfants, qui se fait différemment selon le sexe des parents et des enfants. A court terme, cette transmission se fait plus facilement dans les milieux éduqués, aisés et politisés, ce qui signifie paradoxalement que parmi les jeunes électeurs, ce sont ceux issus de milieux défavorisés ou non intéressés à la politique qui ont la probabilité la plus élevée de changer l’équilibre des forces politiques en présence.     

浅析侵占罪

侵占罪是刑法新增加的罪名,它是一种将自己持有的他人财物非法占为己有的犯罪行为,它与盗窃罪等其他侵犯财产的犯罪在实践中很容易混淆,因此,本人对侵占罪的概念、特征做了较为详细的阐述,论述了如何区分本罪与非罪、本罪与盗窃罪的界限。     

Dimensionality,ideology and party positions towards European integration

The rise of political contestation over European integration has led many scholars to examine the role that broader ideological positions play in structuring party attitudes towards European integration. This article extends the existing approaches in two important ways. First, it shows that whether the dimensionality of politics is imagined in a one-dimensional ‘general left?right’ form or a two-dimensional ‘economic left?right/social liberal-conservative’ form leads to very different understandings of the way ideology has structured attitudes towards European integration, with the two-dimensional approach offering greater explanatory power. Second, existing approaches have modelled the influence of ideology on attitudes towards European integration as a static process. This article shows that the relationship between ideology and European integration has changed substantially over the history of European integration: divisions over social issues have replaced economic concerns as the main driver of party attitudes towards European integration.     

Dreams of a Secular Republic: Elite Alienation in Post-Zia Pakistan

Since the onset of the “war on terror,” an apparently irreconcilable “secular-religious” divide has come to the fore in Pakistani society with ostensibly deep historical roots. In this article the “divide” is critically interrogated through an historical-sociological analysis, including detailed interviews with a small sample of both “secularists” and leftists who do not subscribe to the “secular-religious” binary. The article emphasises that substantive social changes have taken place over the past four decades, coeval with the erosion of a relatively insular structure of power dominated by the secular, Westernised successors to the British. The concomitant rise of a “nativised” middle class has both been cause and consequence of the old elite’s steady retreat into its private ghettoes. The latter’s growing alienation from wider society – including the realm of formal politics – has been accompanied by growing alarmism about the increasingly illiberal and hyper-religious character of the mass of the population. Elite alienation has intensified since 2001, making the “secular-religious” divide a self-fulfilling prophecy. Notwithstanding its protestations, however, the elite remains the major beneficiary of the prevailing structure of power, and a meaningful transformative politics – both secular and responsive to the material deprivations of ordinary people – remains conspicuously absent.     

Dealing with populists in government: the SYRIZA-ANEL coalition in Greece

ABSTRACT

The Great Recession triggered an unprecedented level of political turmoil in Greece, leading to a major readjustment of the party system and the near disappearance of the once mighty socialists of PASOK. Gradually, SYRIZA – a radical-leftist-turned-populist party – rose to become the key electoral player under the aegis of its young and popular leader, Alexis Tsipras. SYRIZA eventually won two general elections in 2015 and ruled together with the populist radical right Independent Greeks (ANEL) as junior partner, a coalition of great analytical significance, representing the first ever governing alliance of left-wing and right-wing populist parties in Europe. This contribution investigates reactions to the SYRIZA-ANEL government, giving special emphasis to measures undertaken by domestic and external actors. A key finding that warrants further research is that, under the same conditions of economic crisis that bring populists to power, economic institutions and material constraints can play an important role in taming populist actors and socializing them into the standard rules of the liberal democratic regime.     

Camps,not just parties. The dynamic foundations of affective polarization in multi-party systems

Concerns over affective polarization in Western democracies are growing. But which broader political distinctions are also affective demarcations? As inter-party cooperation is the rule in multi-party democracies, explaining affective polarization beyond partisan divisions is crucial. I argue that demarcations between political camps deepen affective polarization, and country-level factors influence the relevance of these affective divides. Based on survey data from 23 Western democracies (1996–2019), I demonstrate that affect is most polarized between Left and Right camps, and between the Radical Right and other camps. Further, these divides are dynamic and depend on different country-level outcomes. The Left/Right divide disappears when Left and Right parties govern together, while the Radical Right divide is fortified with Radical Right electoral success. These findings highlight that affective polarization’s group foundations extend beyond partisanship, and that affective polarization could even act as a defence mechanism against radical challengers.     

Defeat of the People's Army? The 2015 British general election and the UK Independence Party (UKIP)

The 2015 general election in Britain saw a major attempt by a relatively new party - the UK Independence Party (UKIP)- to secure elected representation. While UKIP received nearly four million votes, the party left the 2015 general election with just one Member of Parliament. Our evidence, drawn from analysis of British Election survey data and in-depth qualitative interviews with activists, suggests that UKIP's campaign was a major factor in its inability to translate widespread support into elected representation. While the party pursued a targeted campaign, this had only a modest impact on its own vote. UKIP's lack of resources, inexperience and inability to operationalize highly effective, targeted local campaigns severely hamstrung the party and prevented it from converting support into MPs at Westminster.     

After Charlie: the unravelling of the French republican response

Starting with the assault on the offices of the satirical magazine Charlie Hebdo on 7 January 2015, the French Republic has endured a series of terrorist attacks, culminating in the massacre of civilians on the Promenade des Anglais in Nice on 14 July 2016, an outrage deliberately and symbolically timed to coincide with the Bastille Day celebration. During this period, the governing and other elites in France attempted to foster a sense of national unity around key republican values as the most effective response to the threat posed by terrorism. After examining the inconsistent postures struck by the French socialist government in the months following the outrages of 2015 and 2016, Raymond’s article will analyse the contradictions of the previous administration in order to illustrate the argument that the problematic relationship between race, identity and secularism cuts across the traditional ideological cleavages of left and right. The failure of leading mainstream political figures to articulate an effective and unifying discourse in the face of the terrorist threat to France is not, however, purely a failure of communication. Raymond will address the adequacy of a blueprint for social cohesion shaped by the Third Republic and exemplified by the formal separation of church and state in 1905. He considers whether the traditional understanding of what it means to belong to the ‘one and indivisible’ republic has problematized the sense of national self-esteem and contributed to the current tension in France.