Contending eurocentric theories: the case study of Thailand's economic regionalism in ASEA

ABSTRACT

The Eurocentric theory of economic regionalism, as demonstrated by the empirical case of the European Union, has been widely recognized as the pathfinder, role model, and inspiration for other regional organizations, including ASEAN, due to its continuous attempts at deepening economic integration, formalizing the decision-making process, and legalizing the administrative body. Despite this concordant movement, it is evident from Thailand that ASEAN has evolved differently from the rationale, process, and prediction that Eurocentric theory dictates.

The purpose of this article is to argue that the economic regionalism of ASEAN has not developed in accordance with an economically-oriented rationale. Moreover, the process of economic integration has not necessarily derived from the free trade agreement itself, particularly when a country lacks continuity in terms of its development of regionalist projects. In addition, Thailand has not followed the path of economic integration due to spillover effects. This is because member countries have not given up their sovereignty in favour of the regional institution. Economic regional activities have been broadened within a limited scope, and the expansion has been conducted through bilateral talks, rather than a strengthening of regional solidarity.     

东亚和解的障碍与超越——历史之外的因素

冷战的结束使世界形势发生了根本性的变化。但东北亚仍然是世界上一个特殊的区域。二十年前甚至更长时间困扰这一地区的一些重大问题诸如国家统一、防止核扩散、民族和解、意识形态对等几乎没有取得进展,目前也没有明确的解决办法。东亚和解已成为跨世纪的难题。历史问题给东亚国家带来了困扰,但中韩日之间的历史问题不会像各自所期待的那样解决。今天东亚和解的障碍不仅仅是因为历史,东亚和解的内涵也将与以往不同。从长远来看,地区主义应该是东亚国家和解的起点。东亚的未来,必然是许多不同利益与倾向相互让步的结果。     

中国对周边地区的多边主义政策选择

中国周边多边主义发展具有强烈的地区性与时代性特点。中国在周边地区一体化进程中的外交成功得益于其积极参加各种地区多边合作机制。中国在东南亚、东北亚及中亚等地区多边主义机制建构中均发挥了重要作用,充分体现了其地区多边主义和一体化政策的渐进性、现实性与适用性。中国多边主义合作政策迎合了地区政治安全与经济发展形势的需要,符合地区大多数国家的发展利益。中国在积极促进周边地区经济发展、应对非传统安全威胁和预防冲突的过程中,推进了地区多边主义机制化的发展。     

东盟特惠贸易安排:回顾与评价

东盟特惠贸易安排是东南亚早期区域经济合作中的一项主要内容。从1977年的《东盟特惠贸易安排协定》开始,东盟各国围绕商品关税减让等主要方法,对增加东盟区内的贸易往来作出了持久的努力。本文回顾了东盟特惠关税安排的缘起与发展,分析了该项目所取得的成就与问题,并从东南亚区域经济合作整个发展史的角度评价了东盟特惠贸易安排的历史地位与意义。     

冷战后东盟地区主义的发展与日本的应对

冷战后,东盟地区主义迅速发展。这不仅表现在东盟实现了大东盟的愿望,加强了东盟地区内部的各种合作,而且突出表现在东盟积极推动东亚合作和东亚一体化进程。在推动东亚合作和东亚一体化进程中,东盟对东亚地区唯一的发达国家日本寄予了厚望,但日本的表现与东盟的期待存在很大的反差。东盟和日本在东亚地区主义理念上的分歧是这一反差产生的根本原因。     

‘No regionalism please,we are Leghisti !’ The transformation of the Italian Lega Nord under the leadership of Matteo Salvini

Whilst the Lega Nord has traditionally been defined as a regionalist populist party, since Matteo Salvini became its leader in 2013 it has undergone a process of profound ideological transformation. This article assesses this momentous change and the impact it could have on the future of the Lega, drawing on a content analysis of Salvini’s and the party’s Facebook posts, as well as interviews with regional leaders. It argues that, under Salvini’s personal style of leadership: (a) regionalism has been replaced by an empty form of nativist nationalism, which fails to address socio-economic issues related to the North–South divide; (b) populism remains central to the party’s strategic communication, but the EU has taken Rome’s place as the people’s ‘enemy’; (c) this ideological shift has paid-off at the 2018 general election, but is underpinned by latent fractures between the leader and regional representatives which could have profound implications in the future.     

Assessing and Explaining the Diverging Trajectories of Territorial Parties and Politics in Italy and Spain (2008‐2018)

Until the mid‐2000s, territorial politics played a considerable role in both Italy and Spain. Two regionalist parties, among others, clearly contributed to this: Democratic Convergence of Catalonia (CDC) and the Northern League. Yet evidence shows that the two parties, while starting from relatively similar positions, have followed diverging trajectories, particularly after the financial (and then economic) crisis that hit their respective countries. CDC pushed its pro‐autonomy stances to the extreme and eventually ended up supporting Catalan independence. On the other hand, the League dropped its regionalist agenda and even became a state‐wide party. By comparing these two cases, this article aims to shed light on the mechanisms that lead to the radicalisation or moderation (and even abandonment) of regionalist parties’ territorial demands. These opposite movements have broader implications, since they have been accompanied by increasing polarisation of territorial politics in Spain and the de‐politicisation of this issue in Italy.     

Russian hegemonies: historical snapshots, regional security and changing forms of Russia's role in the post-Soviet region

The broad purpose of this study is to exemplify changing forms of hierarchical rule manifested in post-Soviet Russia's varying provision of regional security related to military conflicts. Russia's regional role varies in form and in thickness. Although the endurance of Soviet legacy can be observed in four major areas (stabilising borders, economic interest, unification of fellow Slavs and fluctuating alliances), there is enough variance to suggest that over-deterministic theories about Russian regional foreign policy do not account for conjunctural factors that can contribute to change. Instead, we can view the Soviet and post-Soviet regional dynamic as one that is on a fluid anarchy–hierarchy spectrum.     

东盟再认识

东盟是一个具有广泛影响的地区性国际组织,它团结区域内外国家,为维护地区秩序、和平与稳定发挥了重要的作用,为促进地区政治、经济、安全及社会合作做出了重大贡献;东盟为区域内外国家开展广泛的合作提供了一个重要的对话平台,促进区域内外国家减少误会和增进相互理解;东盟也是一种地区意识,它使一个政治、经济、文化、民族与宗教均相当多元化的地区出现了共同的思想,在这种思想的旗帜下,东盟各国求同存异,有力地促进了本区域人民相互了解,增进友谊;东盟是发展中国家团结的典范,它为广大发展中国家树立了一个榜样,它以其成功的实践告诉人们,在全球化的时代,小国和弱国也应该有所作为,其根本出路就是团结与合作.     

结构性地区主义与开放性地区主义——西欧与东亚的比较

全球化浪潮下,地区主义伴随区域一体化得到迅速发展。在西欧一体化过程中,西欧国家通过重视合法协定、强调功能整合以及超国家机构的建设形成了结构性地区主义;而在东亚一体化发展中,东亚国家则强调不干涉原则,突出国家主权至上,抵制和质疑超国家机构,从而形成了弱机制化的开放性地区主义。两种性质的地区主义的成因主要在于:西欧和东亚的历史发展体系不同,导致其各自成员国之间的经济政治制度同质性程度不同,成员国之间的集体认同以及对民族国家主权的价值观存在差异。就发展趋向而言,自金融危机后,欧洲债务危机频现,暴露了规范严谨的结构性地区主义的僵化弊病,而东亚一体化过程中,东盟、10+1、10+3、东亚峰会等对话形式层出不穷,则表明了缺乏规范机制下的地区合作效率的不足。