黄河三角洲高效生态经济区高等教育发展问题与对策

通过调研黄河三角洲高效生态经济区高等教育现状,分析其存在的投入不足、优质教育资源短缺、专业层次结构不够合理三大问题,对该区域高等教育与区域发展的关系、在全省高等教育发展中的定位进行了探讨,提出了该区域规划期内的发展目标,设计了建设名校、调优专业、深化教学改革、打造优秀团队、推进产学研结合的发展路径,对政府支持高等教育的发展提出了优化布局、增加投入、政策支持的三条对策建议。     

以科技创新引领辽宁沿海经济带产业结构优化升级的若干思考及建议

2009年8月国务院对《辽宁沿海经济带发展规划》的批复,标志着辽宁沿海经济带的发展已上升为国家战略。辽宁沿海经济带发展也迎来了经济结构调整、产业结构优化升级的重大机遇和挑战。该文分析了辽宁沿海经济带发展现状,并从培育战略性新兴产业、加强产业核心关键技术攻关、加快科技成果转化等方面分析了科技创新对辽宁沿海经济带产业结构优化升级的作用。     

Economic globalization and voter turnout in established democracies

This paper asks whether international economic integration negatively affects electoral turnout. The theoretical model builds on the premise that economic integration constrains the ability of national governments to shape outcomes. Citizens are conscious of such constraints and take them into account when considering the costs and benefits of casting a vote in national elections. The result is a lower inclination to vote under conditions of high economic integration. Consequently, aggregate turnout is lower the more internationally integrated a national economy is. Analysis of aggregate data for parliamentary elections in 23 OECD democracies over the period 1965–2006 robustly supports this hypothesis. The empirical estimates suggest economic globalization as a central cause of the general decline in turnout within established democracies.     

The dynamic political economy of support for Barack Obama during the 2008 presidential election campaign

In recent years, students of voting behavior have become increasingly interested in valence politics models of electoral choice. These models share the core assumption that key issues in electoral politicds typically are ones upon which there is a widespread public consensus on the goals of public policy. The present paper uses latent curve modeling procedures and data from a six-wave national panel survey of the American electorate to investigate the dynamic effects of voters’ concerns with the worsening economy—a valence issue par excellence—in the skein of causal forces at work in the 2008 presidential election campaign. As the campaign developed, the economy became the dominant issue. Although the massively negative public reaction to increasingly perilous economic conditions was not the only factor at work in 2008, dynamic multivariate analyses show that mounting worries about the economy played an important role in fueling Barack Obama’s successful run for the presidency.     

The campaign dynamics of economic voting

This paper considers the relationship between election campaigns and the impact of economic evaluations on vote choice. The motivation is the standard expectation that the campaign generally serves to amplify the significance of economic considerations in the voter's calculus—to focus his/her attention on this “fundamental” element of the electoral decision. Drawing on survey data from ten national elections across four countries (Canada, New Zealand, the United Kingdom and the United States) and applying both parametric and semi-parametric statistical techniques, the paper finds no support for this proposition. The paper reflects on the significance of this conclusion for work on political learning during election campaigns, the literature on economic voting, and the study of electoral behaviour more generally.     

多区域经济合作下广西与东盟各国人才交流与合作开发思考

区域经济合作,必然要求区域人才交流与合作开发。广西作为中国与东盟等区域经济合作的＂桥头堡＂的地位和作用日益彰显,如何加强与东盟各国的人才交流与合作开发是当前广西人才开发面临的重大战略任务。本文试分析广西与东盟各国人才交流与合作开发的现状和存在问题,从而提出进一步加强广西与东盟各国人才交流与合作的对策措施。     

广西与越南的教育合作与交流

近年来,广西与东盟的教育合作与交流呈持续增长的态势。本文主要介绍广西与越南教育合作与交流的情况。     

地区主义与地区秩序构建:一种分析框架

作为地区研究层次的两个变量,地区主义与地区秩序之间有着不可分割的内在联系。地区主义的产生与发展,很大程度上源于国家的自愿选择与共识,这种运行方式维护了地区所有成员的利益,从本质上保证了地区秩序的有效性、合法性和持久性。从地区发展的实践来看,构建地区秩序的模式主要有外源强制型、内源强制型、外源合作型和内源合作型四种。地区主义的发展改变了地区各政治实体之间的互动关系,通过价值观念与地区认同、地区制度以及地区主义的政治经济影响等因素促使地区秩序逐步从外源强制型向内源合作型演进。     

东亚-北美经济失衡与再平衡分析

本文从国别结构和产品结构分析了20世纪90年代以来东亚—北美经济失衡的变化,认为美国贸易逆差不断扩大是其对外产业转移的结果,东亚地区贸易顺差与日俱增是其承接产业转移的结果。其中,东亚内部再次产业转移导致中国顺差迅速膨胀。为了实现东亚—北美经济再平衡,美国需要采取一些措施扩大出口,控制过度的信贷消费,并对美元采取更加负责的政策;东亚地区需要努力实现由外需驱动型向内需驱动型增长方式的转变,加快产业调整与升级,并把产业链向其他地区延伸。     

东亚安全:合作模式与结构

在安全体簇生的东亚地区,并存有美国主导的东亚联盟体系式安全合作、东盟地区主义式安全合作、中国倡行的多边协治式安全合作等三种安全合作模式,其中,美国的东亚联盟体系式安全合作模式在复合型的东亚安全结构中占据主导地位,而东盟和中国所倡行的安全合作模式,还停留在安全合作观念倡导和通过集体联合来尝试性建构地区制度性安全纽带的层面。东亚地区所存在的三种安全合作模式之间,是一种不平等的权力相互制衡关系。再加上地区范围内大国间的结构性对抗和潜在冲突,东亚安全困境的产生和存在成为必然。东亚目前不具备建构地区多边安全合作机制的可能,三种安全合作模式的共存仍将是地区安全结构的主要内容,复合型的安全结构态势将长期存在。