远东纲要实施以来的中俄区域合作

俄罗斯2002年3月开始实施的远东纲要为我国发展同远东地区的经贸合作提供了前提条件。纲要实施两年以来,远东各联邦主体纷纷制定发展战略和采取措施,加速经济与社会的发展,并在大力发展对外关系时,把发展同中国东北边境地区经贸合作列为优先发展方向。这促使该地区与中国北方省份的区域合作出现飞速发展的可喜局面。     

俄罗斯警察法简介（节译）

俄罗斯警察法共分8章40条。选译总则、警察组织、警察的职责和权利。     

试论云南贫困山区农民增收面临的困境及对策

云南贫困山区农民增收面临着许多特殊的困难.必须从战略的高度予以重视,采取系统而有力的措施,促进云南贫困山区农民增收,加速小康社会进程.     

法治与贵州民族地区法律建设

实行法治,是进入全面现代化的重要标志之一,当今,它在全世界范围内,特别是东方国家的发展趋向已日益明显,并对整个社会产生着日益重要的影响。在我国,在党的“我们应当在发展社会主义民主、健全社会主义法制方面取得明显的进展”①的思想指导下,贵州民族自治地方的法治建设究竟怎样呢?本文就此作点探讨。     

清朝初期俄罗斯佐领的起源

俄罗斯佐领是由因为侵入中国领土而被清朝政府靖边时俘获的俄罗斯俘虏和投诚者组成的，大约有100人，1668年设置半个佐领，1685年设置整佐领。     

解决边疆少数民族地区“三农”问题的对策

本文阐述了"三农"问题当前面临的主要困境是农业增产,农民不增收;剖析了"三农"问题面临困难的根本症结;进而论证了破解"三农"问题的对策.     

我国东、中、西部地区农民财产性收入差距探析

党的十七大报告首次明确提出"创造条件让更多群众拥有财产性收入",基于数据统计分析我国东、中、西部地区农民财产性收入差距变化趋势与原因,进一步缩小收入差距,提高农民的财产性收入,需大力发展中、西部地区农村经济,完善农村金融市场,增强农民理财观念。     

政党政治视角下的俄罗斯联邦共产党

俄共建立20年来,其发展受到俄罗斯政党政治演变的制约和重大影响。与此同时,俄共在俄罗斯政党政治的发展过程中扮演了极其重要的角色,尤其是1993年恢复重建以来,俄共的存在促进了俄罗斯政党政治的规范和完善,对俄罗斯政党政治的发展起着特殊的作用。但是俄共在参加政党政治的问题上仍然存在诸多的难题。俄共的发展应当引起整个俄罗斯社会的关注,而俄共自身更应痛定思痛,通过改革重新走向复兴之路。     

民族地区学校教育与民族文化关系探究

在现代化背景下,民族地区学校教育与民族文化关系问题面临诸多困境。学校教育在民族地区的一个重要任务在于如何防止现代化的负面效应,并积极地从民族文化的保护与传承方面,解决民族成员的心理不适与精神困惑。这就要求学校教育既要传授普世性知识,又要兼顾到地方性知识,但目前实施效果并不理想。民族文化需要被重新认识,重新理解。     

Who is the enemy now? Islamophobia and antisemitism among Russian Orthodox nationalists before and after September 11

In this article Verkhovsky focuses on Russian nationalist groups who base their ideology on the Russian Orthodox tradition. These Russian Orthodox nationalists should be distinguished both from those nationalists for whom Orthodoxy is clearly overwhelmed by the ideological demands of ethno-nationalism, as well as from those who use Orthodoxy simply as a popular symbol of national identity. Orthodox nationalists, moreover, are fairly independent of the Moscow Patriarchate and its ideology. The ideology of Orthodox nationalism focuses both on its principal enemy, the Antichrist, and on those enemies subordinate to the Antichrist: Jews, Catholics, the West, the New World Order and so on. In the mid-1990s Islam had no obvious place among this set of hostile forces. The Moscow Patriarchate and moderately nationalist politicians, relying to some extent on Eurasianist ideas, saw the relationship between Orthodoxy and Islam in Russia as a harmonious one, and, on the whole, Orthodox nationalists did not disagree, although individuals occasionally claimed that the Jews, using the West, were setting Islam against Orthodox Russia. The situation began to change during the second Chechen war, when Orthodox nationalists began to issue warnings of an Islamic threat. This was related not only to the situation in former Yugoslavia and in Chechnya, but also to an increase in the immigration of Muslims to ethnically Russian regions of the country. For Orthodox nationalists, this Islamic threat was part of the larger threat coming from the Jews and the West. Islam, they claimed, was being used as a tool by the Antichrist not only because it was a flawed religion, but because it, being less godless than the West, would produce radical Islamism as a synthesis of western technology and eastern passion. In the intense debates that followed in the wake of the attacks of 11 September 2001 most Orthodox nationalists in Russia supported adopting a neutral position in the supposed ‘clash of civilizations’ between Islam and the West.